For the victims of Sudan’s civil war, a humanitarian crisis and human rights violations have become part of their everyday lives.
In the Republic of Sudan, there is an ongoing civil war between two opposing military factions: the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under General Abdel Fattah al Burhan and the Rapid Support Forces (FSR) under General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, also known as Hemeti. This war stems from the country’s dark past and chaotic governance under former president Omar al-Bashir from 1989 to 2019. This conflict, which follows three bloody conflicts, began on April 15, 2023, and is the fourth civil war in this country’s history. The first conflict lasted from 1955 to 1972, the second from 1983 to 2005 and the third from 2003 to 2020.
The ever-evolving situation only adds to the turmoil that displaced persons, who are the war’s primary victims, experience. On January 31, 2024, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that this war has displaced almost 8 million people.
To better understand the on-field situation, Global Voices interviewed Hatim Abdulaziz, a humanitarian project management expert and office head for the non-governmental organization Sudan Social Development Organization (SUDO).
Jean Sovon (JS): What is the current human rights situation in Sudan?
Hatim Abdulaziz (HA): Unfortunately, Sudan’s human rights situation has worsened due to the ongoing war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces. This deterioration can be seen in the geographic extent of the conflict and the severity of the transgressions. We have seen how these transgressions extend to other provinces, such as Khartoum (the capital in the center-east of the country), Al-Jazirah (center-southeast) and White Nile (south of the country). Under Omar al-Bashir’s regime, the war was primarily limited to the Darfur region (west), the Kordofan region (center) and the White Nile State (south of the country). Each military faction commits all kinds of human rights violations and war crimes. These mainly include summary executions, torture, forced displacements, the destruction of villages, looting and depriving the public of food, water and education. Each faction accuses the other of committing these crimes, but there has been little progress made in terms of investigations and concrete efforts to protect civilians.
JS: Both factions are blocking the delivery of humanitarian aid to the displaced persons camps. Are Hemeti and Burhan doing this on purpose?
HA: Approximately half of Sudan’s impacted communities urgently need humanitarian aid, especially regarding food, water, shelter and protection. Unfortunately, the humanitarian aid that the international community currently provides covers less than 5 percent of the country’s actual needs. Sudan is experiencing the world’s worst displacement crisis, with women and children suffering profound challenges. However, the leaders of the two warring factions are not trying to support the victims or alleviate their suffering.
Moreover, each faction is blocking the delivery of aid in the territories and areas that the opposing faction controls. This humanitarian crisis is worsening every day. There are serious concerns that this will cause widespread famine due to the high levels of unemployment and crop failures in several regions of Sudan. Accountability for the potential famine primarily lies with the leaders of the two warring factions and the international community, which has not yet intervened to enforce robust and effective measures before the situation deteriorates further.
JS: At present, is it safe to say that the chances of finding peace and stability in Sudan are dwindling?
HA: There are various aspects to Sudan’s current war. These include political, geographical, social, ethnic and historical factors, as well as regional influences. One major mistake that Omar al-Bashir’s regime made was to support the development of two separate military factions with different leaders and chains of command within the same country. This ultimately led to the conflict between these two factions that we have just witnessed 11 years on from the establishment of the Rapid Support Force (FSR). Al-Bashir pursued his own interests and those of his party, thus ignoring the national interest. He used Mr. Hemeti and his troops to fight the Darfur factions on his behalf. The FSR were successful in this task and almost defeated all the Darfur rebel factions. However, over the years, the FSR have begun pursuing their own interests in wealth and power-sharing. The situation’s complexity makes it difficult to achieve peace in the coming months. Also, it is practically impossible for one faction to beat the other since both sides are well-armed and have tens of thousands of mobilized and motivated troops ready for battle. Each faction’s minimum demands are still far from being met. The regular army is demanding the disbandment of the FSR and the arrest of its leaders. The FSR calls for the arrest of the former regime’s key leaders, including al-Bashir, and greater justice in the distribution of wealth and power.
What's more, there is also the influence of the civil and democratic parties led by former prime minister Abdallah Hamdok, which demand the arrest of Islamists in the National Congress party and that they be held accountable for all crimes committed over the last 34 years. On the other side, there are Islamists from the al-Bashir era trying to reclaim power. Unless the international community implement effective measures to bring both factions to the negotiating table, there is no prospect of finding peace in the next few months. There is also a significant risk of this spiraling into a protracted civil war that could last years.
JS: Following the separation from South Sudan in 2011, are you worried that the current Sudan will separate again?
HA: The specter of another separation still exists, but it’s far from becoming a reality for several reasons: neither warring faction calls for a separation. The Darfuris (Darfur inhabitants) do not favor Darfur’s separation from the rest of Sudan. Both factions are still hoping to win this war and control the whole of Sudan. The expansion of the war to reach new core states, like Khartoum, Al Jazeera and the White Nile, has diverted attention away from Darfur. A significant number of Darfuris have been living in central, northern and eastern Sudan for decades. There is also a considerable presence of Darfuri leaders participating in government and supporting the military. Finally, there is significant tension and conflict between Darfur’s different ethnic groups. Although Sudanese citizens fear another separation, this isn’t a likely outcome of this war at present.
Overshadowed by the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, this conflict receives little international media coverage. However, Sudan’s latest civil war has already left thousands dead, including almost 15,000 in Darfur.
