US Imperialism in Africa
>From Cairo to Cape Town the African masses struggle for justice and
self-determination
By <
http://www.globalresearch.ca/author/abayomi-azikiwe> Abayomi Azikiwe
Global Research, December 30, 2012
africamap
During late 2012, the Obama administration announced that it would be
dispatching additional military personnel to the African continent. The
deployment of regular troops and Special Forces are purportedly tasked with
fighting a growing threat from Islamists under the guise of a growing
"al-Qaeda threat."
Yet the placing of more troops in Africa by the Pentagon follows a pattern
of escalating U.S. militarism on the continent. The previous year, 2011, saw
the first full-blown project of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) in the
support for a counter-revolutionary insurgency and massive bombing campaign
against the North African state of Libya.
In Libya, 2012 was a year of further political repression, economic
depravation and social chaos. Persecutions of Black Libyans and supporters
of the former Jamahiriya under the leadership of Col. Muammar Gaddafi
continued.
Counter-revolutionaries in the east of the oil-rich state, where the
rebellion of 2011 saw its origins, advocated the partitioning of the country
due to the vast resource wealth in that region. There was widespread
rejection of the sham national elections by people in both the east and the
south of the country.
In Benghazi, people burned ballot papers and objected to the proposed
political dispensation which disproportionately allocated more nominal power
to the U.S.-backed politicians based in the west around the capital of
Tripoli. Even among the elites in the capital, there were clashes among
rival militias and threats against the politicians by the armed rebels who
refused to be disarmed and "integrated" into a "national army."
The situation in Libya was further exposed on September 11 when a U.S.
compound and annex was destroyed by over 100 armed combatants. The attacks
led to the deaths of Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three other
personnel, which were later identified as Navy Seals and Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) operatives.
A subsequent attempted cover-up of the September 11 incident in Libya
resulted in a major scandal in Washington centering around the failure of
the Obama administration to secure the compound after repeated warnings that
U.S. interests in the Benghazi area were under threat. Susan Rice,
Washington's representative at the United Nations, was forced to take the
fall for the Benghazi disaster despite the fact that Stevens post was
ostensibly under the control of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
What was even more revealing was the claim by the New York Times later that
the attacks in Benghazi against U.S. interests were the biggest blow to the
CIA in over three decades. Obviously Stevens' role in Libya was one of a CIA
official who was responsible for the coordination of the counter-revolution.
Despite the scandal involving Rice's false claims on national television
indicating that the deaths of Stevens and the others resulted from a
demonstration against the vile "Innocence of Muslims" film that was
circulating on the internet, the deaths of the U.S. personnel in Benghazi
did not jeopardize the Obama presidency. Even though the Republicans
attempted to utilize the scandal to undermine the Obama campaign, the fact
of the matter is that they too were as adamant against the previous Libyan
government under Gaddafi as the Democrats.
Obama's core constituency including African Americans, Latinos, trade unions
and others saw the alternative Romney bid for the presidency as a threat to
their well-being although objectively the people of the U.S. have grown
poorer and more economically distressed over the last four years. The U.S.
bi-polar political system provides no real alternatives to working people
and the oppressed.
The Obama administration has in actuality increased imperialist military
intervention in Africa as well as other parts of the world. Over the last
four years there has been no positive initiatives related to the peace and
security of the continent and the world under the present regime in
Washington.
Theoretical Perspectives on Imperialism in Africa
Obama's Africa policy is a continuation of imperialist efforts to dominate
and exploit the people. From slavery to colonialism and neo-colonialism, the
U.S. has been on the wrong side of history against the interests of the
African workers, farmers and youth.
Kwame Nkrumah, the president of the First Republic of Ghana, and the leading
theoretical and organizational figure within the post-World War II
Pan-African Movement, wrote in 1968 that "Every state emerging from
colonialism has to face, sooner or later, the threat to its independence of
an alliance between local, reactionary elements and imperialist and
neo-colonialist interests. The problem is serious, but not insurmountable,
once its true nature is assessed and adequate steps are taken in time to
prevent it from becoming deep-rooted." (Dark Days in Ghana, pp. 157-8)
Nkrumah continues noting that "We must be constantly vigilant. Imperialist
intelligence organizations are hard at work in Africa, manipulating
political pressures internally and externally within developing, independent
states. Evidence of their activities may be seen hitherto virtually outside
our political experience, but in recent years a painful reminder that we are
not yet masters in our own house."
Later this same author stresses that "Government officials, police and army
officers, party leaders, newspaper editors and others have been bribed and
black-mailed. Local bourgeois reactionaries, dishonest intellectuals and
retrogressive chiefs are being used to subvert progressive governments. The
tragedy is, that some African Heads of State are themselves actually aiding
and abetting imperialists and neo-colonialists."
This is even more true in 2012 than it was in 1968. The subversion of the
popular political will of the workers and rural proletariat of Africa serves
as a major impediment to the organization of the masses for a genuine
struggle against foreign domination and military intervention.
In most of the countries throughout the continent where the U.S. has
strategic interests there are military campaigns designed to continue
Washington's influence. From Egypt, Tunisia, Sudan, the Central African
Republic, Mali, Somalia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Nigeria and others, the
financiers of Wall Street and the arms producers and generals in the service
of the Pentagon are poised for greater interference in the internal affairs
of these states. Obama's announcement about the deployment of U.S. forces to
35 states is linked to the crisis within the world capitalist system, where
unemployment, national debt and escalating poverty has increased to
unprecedented levels within the imperialists states since World War II.
Some Concrete Examples of Imperialist Policy and Mass Resistance
Egypt and the struggle for revolutionary democracy in North Africa and the
Middle East has reached a critical stage with the holding of a referendum on
the draft constitution put in place by the ruling Freedom and Justice Party
(FJP) and its Islamist allies in the Constiutent Assembly and the
administration of President Mohamed Morsi. Although the referendum won by a
64-36 percent margin, overall participation within the electorate was less
than one-third of those qualified to vote.
Leading up to the referendum on December 15 and 22, there were mass
demonstrations by opposition parties and coalitions throughout the country
of 83 million people. Several people were killed in the protests with a
National Salvation Front being formed to demand the withdrawal of the
presidential decree of November 22 and the rushed constitutional process.
The Muslim Brotherhood and allied organizations are facing a serious
political crisis. They have sought to address the problems of
neo-colonialism, stemming from decades of U.S. influence militarily,
politically and economically, by a continuation of an alliance with the
White House and the Pentagon.
This path on the part of the Egyptian government that came to power after a
national election in June, will not benefit the workers and farmers of the
country. The Morsi administration is seeking a $US4.8 billion loan from the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), an institution that has caused massive
suffering on the African continent for decades.
In addition, Egypt's positions on the war in Syria, which is another
regime-change effort on the part of imperialism, and its less than firm
stance in defense of the Palestinians in both Gaza and the West Bank, is a
reflection of ongoing U.S. dominance over its foreign policy. Promises of
investments from Qatar, the European Union along with the proposed IMF loan
will consolidate a neo-colonial framework even under the FJP government.
This same process is also talking place in neighboring Tunisia which is the
cradle of the uprisings which were initiated two years ago. In Tunisia, the
rights of women, youth and workers must be addressed in order for the
struggle for national development and genuine independence to proceed.
It is not enough to overthrow the longtime puppets of U.S. and French
imperialism, although this is monumental in its significance. The real
struggle is to establish an economic and foreign policy independence as the
only road towards national liberation and social justice for the majority of
people within the society. The process taking place in Egypt and Tunisia is
instructive for viewing developments in other parts of the African continent
and the Middle East.
Sudan after being partitioned in the vote of 2011 in the South of the
country, these developments have weakened both separate states. This split
has also caused greater consternation and internal conflict in both the
Republic of Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan.
In the fighting around the Heglig oil fields earlier in the year, the
country was exposed to the threat of the collapse of its economies.
Demonstrations surfaced in Khartoum fueled by opposition parties demanding
regime-change aimed at toppling the National Congress Party (NCP) government
of President Omar Hassan al-Bashir.
South Sudan has experienced the aggravated plight of neo-colonial African
states. Complaints of massive corruption coupled with internecine warfare
among various regions and nationalities has hampered any economic benefit
from its newly independent status.
Peace talks between the two states could gain results if it were not for the
interference of the U.S. and the state of Israel. The Israel Air Force (IAF)
bombed a munitions factory in the capital of Khartoum in late October while
Sudan and the Islamic Republic of Iran were conducting joint naval
manueveres around the eastern port.
The State Department's role in the Sudans is to maintain and inflame the
divisions inside the country due to the oil-wealth and the role of the
People's Republic of China and Iran. Both states collectively must resist
these pressures and form a national unity pact that cannot be penetrated and
undermined by the imperialists led by the ruling class in the U.S.
In defiance of Washington and Tel Aviv, the Republic of Sudan has escalated
its solidarity efforts with the Palestinian people and the Iranians. The
defeat of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) in their latest onslaught against
the people of Gaza militarily-and diplomatically with the attempt to deny
greater recognition of the Palesinians in the United Nations General
Assembly-proved that the policies of the U.S. and Israel are more vunerable
than ever.
The Republic of South Sudan's alliance with the state of Israel proved
problematic when South Sudanese fell victim to the racist domestic policies
of Tel Aviv. Sudanese and other Africans were openly attacked in the streets
of the occupationist state where a new prison to house Africans is being
constructed amid official statements by Zionist politicians which call for
the forced removal of Africans alongside a similar program for the
Palestinians.
Military coups struck both Mali and Guinea-Bissau during March and April.
These military coups were a reflection of the class struggle in Africa where
with the interference of the imperialists, the post-colonial African state
is incapable of maintaining the economic viability or national security of
its territory and people.
Mali had been heavily infiltrated by the Pentagon through AFRICOM's joint
military operations with Bamako. In Guinea-Bissau, the ruling African Party
for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde PAIGC) was overthrown by
elements within the military which sought to maintain its corrupt actions in
league with the capitalist ruling class.
Despite the call by the masses in both countries for an end to military
rule, the lower-ranking soldiers continue to hold power. A proposed
intervention in Mali by the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU) will be coordinated and financed by the
Pentagon and the French military, but will not solve the problems of
divisions and militarism in West Africa.
At some point African states must break with the western military alliances
and form their own independent military forces that can take on continental
problems in the best interests of the masses within these various countries.
There is a threat of more military coups in Africa with the burgeoning
economic crisis and the escalating intervention of the Pentagon, the IDF,
France, Britain and other NATO forces.
Developments in the Horn of Africa illustrate clearly the dangers of
militarism and intelligence penetration. Somalia has been a battleground for
the U.S. and its allies for over two decades. The invasion of December 1992
began a process of attempted domination of the region both inland and
offshore.
The intervention of Washington and its allies in the region has worsened the
humanitarian crises of the people. Massive dislocation, disease and death
are the by-products of U.S. imperialism.
With 17,000 surrogate troops occupying Somalia under the rubric of the
African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) in conjunction with Ethiopian
soldiers and the Kenya Defense Forces, the U.S. is in a position to
strengthen the presence of the CIA and the Defense Intelligence Agency
(DIA). Drones have become a regular weapon within the Somalia theater and
these drones are being deployed throughout East Africa, the Arabian
Peninsula as well as the Indian Ocean.
Despite the heavy U.S.-led war against the people of Somalia, the country
has yet to be subdued. The Al-Shabab resistance fighters are regrouping and
launching renewed attacks in the south and central regions of the country.
Oil is a key factor in the struggle for Somalia. New findings of both oil
and natural gas inland and offshore throughout East Africa underlines the
intensification of Pentagon and CIA presence in this region of the world.
These findings provide new avenues of exploitation for the transnational
corporations and the banks. The U.S. has troops deployed in Uganda, the
Central African Republic, South Sudan and the eastern Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC).
The DRC is rich with mineral resources much of which is not being exploited
to the benefit of the national government based in Kinshasa. A recent
insurgency by M23 is financed and coordinated by Rwanda, a surrogate of
Washington and Wall Street in East Africa. Inside the DRC and the East and
Central Africa region, millions have been killed over the last fifteen years
in wars engineered by the Pentagon, the State Department and the CIA.
Nigeria, the largest importer of African oil into the U.S., is being
systematically destabilized resulting from imperialist dependence and
manipulation. Nigeria has opened negotiations with the People's Republic of
China related to cooperation in the petroleum industry.
Yet the U.S. and Britain are determined to keep Nigeria within its sphere of
influence. Joint so-called "counter-terrorism" operations are leading to
deeper penetrations by U.S. intelligence over the Nigerian state apparatus
and military. Nonetheless, in 2012, Nigerian workers rose up in strikes and
mass demonstations against the cancellation of fuel subsidies and other
economic issues. These struggles must be politicized and directed towards
winning greater economic independence from the U.S. and Europe.
Southern Africa is still a focal point in the anti-capitalist and
anti-imperialist struggle. In South Africa the world was shocked and
horrified with the killing of 34 workers in a massacre by police at Marikana
on August 16. The wildcat and protected strikes that spread throughout the
country, which has Africa's largest economy, is rooted in the world economic
crisis.
The ruling African National Congress (ANC) came to power in 1994 on the wave
of unprecedented mass actions that mobilied and organized millions of
African workers, youth and farmers. However, the current economic crisis
impacting the country can only be ameliorated with the seizure of industry
and agricultural resources inside the country.
As the economic crisis of capitalism worsens, the ANC government will come
under greater pressure to grant further concessions to the imperialists.
There have already been large-scale downsizing in the gold sector-and
platinum, which the country has the world's largest supply-will also follow
suit although with more difficulty for the mining bosses.
The National Democratic Revolution has no choice but to move towards
socialism and the power of the working class in South Africa is poised to do
so. The lessons of Zimbabwe since 2000 will be instructive to the people of
South Africa in their quest for genuine economic and political independence.
In Zimbabwe, the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front
party (ZANU-PF) has nationalized millions of acres of land and turned it
over to African farmers. At present the party is seeking to "indigenize"
mining ownership and production.
Zimbabawe has been villified and attacked by the imperialist states.
Sanctions imposed by the U.S. and Britain remain in force even under the
African American President Barack Obama. Nonetheless, the country and party
is gaining strength amid these ongoing destabilization efforts.
Prospects for Progress in 2013
In order for Africa to develop their must be a break with imperialism. The
growing alliance with the People's Republic of China illlustrates that
Africa is looking for alternative economic and political alliances away from
the western states.
Nkrumah points out that "In Africa, the resistance of the masses to
imperialist aggression grows daily. African freedom and unity have become
their watchwords. In that alone lies their fulfillment. The higher the level
of a people's political awareness the greater is their understanding of
their historical mission. Africa is ripe for armed revolution." (Dark Days
in Ghana, p. 158)
The same text goes on emphasizing that "This great upsurge of the African
peoples can only be effective if it is organized, and if it is armed. The
time has past for half-measures and piecemeal solutions. No compromise is
possible while reactionary and counter-revolutionary elements exist in
Africa, and while imperialists and neo-colonialists are able to make use of
them for their own ends."
Today in 2013, the imperialists are more desperate than at any point during
the post-World War II period. This crisis has its origins within the western
capitalist states under the leadership of the U.S.
Consequently, U.S. interests must be challenged throughout Africa in order
for economic and political liberation to be realized. Once the ruling class
interests have been subdued, the continent can move towards rebuilding from
the centuries of slavery, colonialism and neo-colonialism.
As Nkrumah proclaimed that "If for a while the imperialists appear to be
gaining ground, we must not be discouraged. For time is on our side. The
permanency of the masses is the deciding factor, and no power on earth can
prevent its ultimate decisive effect on the revolutionary struggle." (Dark
Days in Ghana, p. 159)
Abayomi Azikiwe is Editor, Pan-African News Wire, PAN-AFRICAN RESEARCH AND
DOCUMENTATION PROJECT- E MAIL: panafnewswire_at_gmail.com
Received on Sun Dec 30 2012 - 18:59:47 EST
