On the Current Muslim Protests in Ethiopia
29/11/12
- A Conversation between Jenny Vaughan of AFP & Alemayehu Fenatw of the LBJ
School of Public Affairs, University of Texas
Jenny Vaughan: What does the government's response to the Muslim protests
tell you about religious tolerance among the ruling regime in Ethiopia?
Alemayehu Fentaw: What's going on in Ethiopia is a reflection of what's
happening in the West. Fears of terrorism in the West have deteriorated into
an irrational suspicion of Muslims, which will continue until the West turns
its critical eye inwards. Since Ethiopia is a critical partner in the US war
on terror, its government thinks it helps to appear terrified by the
prospect of the rise of Islamism and an improbable takeover of governmental
power by political Islam. That way, Ethiopia hopes to keep Western aid
flowing into the country.
Fear with no basis in evidence leads to dubious actions such as the one the
Government of Ethiopia is engaged in. It'd be irrational to dismiss the fear
of Islamic terrorism, given that a country has had a history of Islamic
terrorism. When it comes to Ethiopia, nonetheless, that fear is irrational
in the light of its recent past and current events. Rational fear ought to
guide sensible public policy. It's simply absurd to believe that all Muslims
are fiends in disguise. Look at the protests. The authorities make no
distinction in disappointing the Muslim community based on sects. They are
being intolerant generally of all Muslims without distinction, and all of
this because of a bad public policy.
There's no doubt that the Ethiopian Muslim community has been radicalized,
not in the sense that it has a political agenda, but in the sense that it
has attained a higher degree of religious consciousness and hence become
aware of it particularistic identity far more than it used to be in the
past. And in light of events that took place in North Africa and the Middle
East that came to be known as the Arab Spring, it can be safely assumed that
the authorities are being haunted by fear of an 'Ethiopian Spring'. As you
can see, that fear of a possible 'Ethiopian Spring' has resulted not only in
the current crackdown on the media and the opposition, but also on the
Muslim community. Ethiopia has increasingly become intolerant of Islam.
Jenny Vaughan: Do Muslims in Ethiopia pose a legitimate (extremist) threat
to the country and region?
Alemayehu Fentaw: There's very little evidence to support the claim that
Ethiopian Muslims pose a legitimate threat to national and regional
security. However, there's a universal consensus among analysts worth the
name that Somalia and Sudan are exporters not only of political Islam, but
also of Islamic terrorism. This again is not a universal claim about Muslims
in Ethiopia. There could be individual Muslim proselytizers bent on using
violence. There were a few incidents of violence, but it takes an
independent commission to investigate into the claims. I don't personally
buy the government's claims.
Jenny Vaughan: Some members of the Muslim community say there is no real
government pressure to impose Al-Ahbash, while others say the imposition is
indeed there and unconstitutional. In your assessment, do you think the
government is legitimately trying to impose the sect?
Alemayehu Fentaw: The Muslim community is claiming in unison that there's
uncalled-for governmental interference in the internal affairs of Ethiopian
Muslims. To that extent and to the extent that secularism is a
constitutionally enshrined principle of governance, the interference is
unacceptable. Therefore, any sponsorship by the government of a religious
sect over others or any attempt of privileging one religion over another is
illegitimate, be it Al-Ahbash or Wahabi. But this is not to divest the
government of its legitimate authority to neutralize security threats as
they arise and recognizing the threshold requires not only good public
policy and laws, but also responsible enforcement. If the government feels
like Al-Ahbash, it has to leave the task of propagating it to the
faith-based nongovernmental organizations, rather than tasking the Ministry
of Federal Affairs with a non-governmental mandate. The problem is the
government has already legislated the civil society out of existence.
Evangelists or what have you could also do some work, but thanks to the
charities legislation, their activities are constrained.
Jenny Vaughan: Will the government's relationship with Muslim community
change now that Hailemariam Desalegn has taken over as PM?
Alemayehu Fentaw: It seems to me the replacement of a Marxist Prime Minister
by a Protestant Prime Minister would not do much in realigning the Muslim
community with the government. What is crucial is putting in place a
sensible public policy, competent public service, and proper enforcement,
which is badly wanting in Ethiopia today.
Jenny Vaughan: Do you think there is potential for protests to grow and
threaten government? Or will they go away now that council elections are
over?
Alemayehu Fentaw: The protests will surely grow so much so that the
government becomes too frustrated to handle the situation. But, I don't
expect them to resort to violent means in the course of their protests. My
fear is that the government will eventually resort to more force than is
warranted under the circumstances. And you never know what will happen after
that.
The protests won't go away easily. They will stick there as far as the
protesters demands are not met. It's too stupid to think that they'll go
away once the Majlis elections are over. And I guess that's what the
authorities are thinking.
Jenny Vaughan: What should the government response to protesters' demands
be?
Alemayehu Fentaw: Cessation of interference and making a gesture towards
meeting their demands is the solution. And the first step would be to
release the imprisoned elected leaders of the Muslim community and conduct
the election of the members of the Majlis in the mosques rather than the
kebeles. Finally, it has to stop sponsoring the propagation of Ahbashism at
the expense of other sects of Islam as long as the Wahabis or whatever you
call them respects the constitution and other laws of the land.
The government has also to stop using the current Islamic protests to
crackdown on political dissent emanating from whether within the ruling
coalition or the opposition from the largely Muslim constituency found in
much of south Ethiopia.
The government's interference has been totally unacceptable and served as a
recipe for conflict. And to continue to interfere in the internal affairs of
the Muslim community will do more harm than good.
Jenny Vaughan: Anything you'd like to add?
Alemayehu Fentaw: If there's anything I'd like to add, Islamic militancy
posed a threat to Ethiopia's national security at different times in the
remote past. . But, the gravest of all the threats came with the advent of
Ahmad Gran. In all instances, it was a reaction to oppression by the
Christian State. But Islamic revivalism, which is positive in itself, and
radicalism, which is undesired and a spillover effect, came as a result of
the sacralization of identity politics, which is not such a bad idea in and
of itself. So radicalism is one thing, but militancy is different. The
threat, which as yet is not clear and present, does not emanate from
radicalization (which is purely religious, not political), but from the
embrace of political Islam and its concomitant militancy. The threat
emanating from radicalization in my view does not call for direct government
intervention. It would have been adequately addressed by civil society
organizations. (Wait a minute; let me ask you just for once: do you believe
that the current interference by the government is justified?) So what's
lacking? As you might already have suspected, what absent is a vibrant civil
society organizations, including religion-based and inter-faith NGOs working
in the area of peace and reconciliation. Alas, they were legislated out of
existence by the government.
Aiga published this provocative article following the peaceful conclusion of
the Majlis elections and the passing of a Jum'a without protests in Addis,
albeit the protests took place in mosques in some rural areas. A
conversation I had with inside sources, however, indicate that Eid is only a
week from today and hence it's a little too soon for any triumphalist
celebration by the government. A cable news reporter, whose identity I can't
disclose for security reasons, surmised the Muslim protesters seem to be
suffering from "strategic indecision", which was also confirmed to me by
inside sources. I for one wish to warn the authorities against uncalled-for
provocations.
http://aigaforum.com/articles/the-election-that-broke-extermist-backbone.pdf
Jenny Vaughan: As you know, many Muslim protestors accuse the government of
appointing teachers and preachers to promote al Ahbash in schools and
mosques. The government denies this. What I am wondering is who is normally
responsible for the appointment of clerics and/or teachers in mosques and
schools-does that task fall to the Islamic Council or simple the local
Muslim community?
Alemayehu Fentaw: The Awoliyah Muslim Mission School, belonged since 1993 to
the Islamic charitable agency known as International Islamic Relief
Organization (IIRO), and has been linked to the Saudi-controlled World
Muslim League. Therefore, it's the responsibility of the management of the
school, and not the government, to hire and fire teachers and Islamic
scholars. However, this is not to deny the government's responsibility to
supervise charitable organizations. It seems that Ethiopian authorities
consider it to be a breeding ground for radical Muslims, whom they refer to
as "salafi-jihadists," "Wahabi-Salafists," and what not. I think there's too
much securitization of the matter on part of the government.
In Ethiopia Islam has been institutionally speaking decentralized, albeit
the Islamic Affairs' Supreme Council (Majlis), formally established in 1976,
enjoys a degree of officialdom and its chairman is considered by the
government as "representative of the entire Muslim community" and accorded
the same courtesies as the Patriarch of the Orthodox Church, Bishop of the
Catholic Church, and Head of the Protestant Churches in public ceremonials.
Therefore, it has always been the responsibility of local mosques to appoint
clerics. Put differently, you can't control what each and every mosque in
the country does by controlling the Majlis. It doesn't work that way.
Note: This conversation took place between Jenny Vaughan, the AFP
correspondent based in Addis Ababa and Alemayehu Fentaw, a visiting scholar
at the LBJ School of Public Affairs, via email between 8 and 24 October 2012
regarding the current Muslim protests in Ethiopia.
http://www.nazret.com/gif/8115003802_83b446e4c4_n.jpg
File Photo: Ethiopian Muslims protest against government interference in
religious matters at Ethiopia's Anwar Grand Mosque
Received on Thu Nov 29 2012 - 12:08:34 EST
