[dehai-news] Parliamentlive.tv: Video: Regional security in the Horn of Africa - Mark Pritchard Conservative MP, UK


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From: Berhane Habtemariam (Berhane.Habtemariam@gmx.de)
Date: Fri Jan 29 2010 - 06:29:36 EST


Video: Regional security in the Horn of Africa - Mark Pritchard Conservative
MP, UK

 <http://www.parliamentlive.tv/Main/Player.aspx?meetingId=5607&st=11:00:00>
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http://www.parliamentlive.tv/Main/Player.aspx?meetingId=5607
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Fast Forward to 1:45 Minute mark

 

Horn of Africa

Westminster Hall debates, 26 January 2010, 11:00 am

 <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/whall/?d=2010-01-26> All Westminster Hall
debates on 26 Jan 2010
<http://www.theyworkforyou.com/whall/?id=2010-01-26b.234.0> Next Westminster
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 <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/mp/?m=1946> Photo of Mark Pritchard

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 <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/mp/?m=1946> Mark Pritchard (Wrekin, The,
Conservative)

I am grateful for the opportunity to raise this important matter in the
House. The security of the <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horn_of_Africa>
Horn of Africa is critical for wider geopolitical stability in Africa, the
middle east and here in the United Kingdom. There has been a lot of focus in
the past few weeks on Yemen, which is just a short boat ride across the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulf_of_Aden> Gulf of Aden. This attention is
justified, but I hope that although increased attention is given to Yemen,
the fragile and delicate security situation in the horn of Africa will not
be overlooked. If the horn fails to attract the political attention that I
believe it merits, I fear that the UK will rue its decision.

As an avid Africa watcher, increasingly my view is that the key challenge
facing Africa is neither the continent's lack of natural resources-many of
its countries have plenty of natural resources-nor its lack of innovation or
entrepreneurship of its wonderful peoples, who are intelligent, creative and
adaptive; neither is it its often challenging natural geography and
topography nor even its poor governance, which hopefully is diminishing in
increasing numbers of countries. I pay tribute at this point to the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Commonwealth_Parliamentary_Association>
Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inter-Parliamentary_Union> Inter-Parliamentary
Union for their part in parliamentary capacity building.

My main concern is a malicious virus sweeping throughout Africa and
especially through the horn of Africa, which does not discriminate between
men and women, adult and child, young and old, or between Muslim and
Christian. This virus eats away at the fledgling ambitions of Africa's
farmers and small businesses, artisans, scientists, poets and songwriters,
and at the dreams of its children and youth. The virus would, if successful,
stop the clock on Africa's progress and turn back the hands of time. Of
course, I speak of misguided and perverse extremist Islam-false Islam-and
jihadism, both Islamism and Wahabism, along with its various franchises,
affiliates and proxy footstools.

Today I hope to set out, albeit in the limited time of this debate, why the
radicalisation of Africa must not be allowed to succeed and why the costs
will be high not only for the horn and the continent as a whole, but for
Europe and the United Kingdom. Such an outcome would return millions to
poverty, put a near immediate brake on successful immunisation and health
programmes, halt the extension of universal education and extinguish the
struggling flames of young and fledgling democracies.

 <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_UK> The UK has both a duty and
self-interest in ensuring that it does all it can to stand with those
African Governments and individuals who make a stand for freedom from
terror, freedom to live in peace and prosper, and freedom to choose and
remove Governments-government for the people and by the people-without fear
of slaughter, murder and mayhem.

Let me be clear. I hope that the leaderships of all radical groups will some
day soon come in from their hideouts in caverns, caves and cyberspace and
realise the error of their ways. Leading Muslim countries have a key part to
play in this enlightenment, engagement and counter-radicalisation process.
But it is worth noting that many extremist groups neither accept arbitration
as a means of resolving hostilities, nor subscribe to conferences and
negotiations: they train for terror and live for terror and they die in a
bloody witness of terror.

In respect of extremist groups and terrorism in Africa, one of the great and
misleading propositions is that a resolution of the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arab-Israeli> Arab-Israeli conflict would lead
to the terror groups disbanding. This is an inaccurate reading of all the
evidence. That claim is merely a convenience for radical groups that want to
court mainstream Muslim legitimacy and attract external funding. Their
thoughts about Palestine are secondary to their immediate and near-abroad
strategic goals and aims, which are both political and jihadist in outlook.

Even if the Arab-Israeli conflict were resolved today, terrorist acts
against the west and Muslim <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/glossary/?gl=37>
majority Governments would not cease. Indeed, they may even intensify,
unleashing terror against any Government or person, Muslim and non-Muslim,
who is unprepared to conform to a particular view of extreme political
Islam. Further, a Palestinian resolution would also be unlikely to stop Iran
continuing to fund terror groups: the stated aim of
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/President_Ahmadinejad> President Ahmadinejad
is to

"wipe Israel from the face of the earth",

not to bring about a successful two-state solution.

Poverty and lack of education alone cannot be cited in the terror
organisations' defence. Yes, many operatives are impoverished, poorly
educated and disfranchised, but that is not uniquely so. We know that many
of the creators of terror groups often came or come from middle-class and
professional backgrounds-well-established backgrounds. Poverty may be one
driver, but, conversely, the availability of or access to wealth is not a
single antidote: UK jihadists perhaps underline that point. The causes of
radicalisation are wide and varied. Although no doubt poverty and corruption
and other such issues play a part, the causes are complex and varied.

The Israeli-Arab conflict contributes to radicalisation, but it would be a
strategic error and arch gullibility not to recognise and call jihadism what
it is: a political ideology mixed with heresy that is advanced on the
platform of jihad, aided and abetted by tribal chieftains and brutal
warlords and the inglorious vanity of national leaders and external
disrupters in the horn of Africa.

Sudan has a huge amount of natural resources and potential and could, with
the right governance and internal settlement, become one of the continent's
most prosperous countries. But such prosperity will not materialise if
important political, administrative and diplomatic steps are dismissed or
regarded as unnecessary and inconvenient. That is why this April's elections
are so important.

I have serious concerns about the voter registration process and the means
by which up to 2 million people living in the north will be required to take
a long journey to the south, using poor infrastructure, to register and cast
their vote. There needs to be a cast-iron guarantee that those people who
make that long journey to the south will be allowed to return to the north
of Sudan without harassment or complications. The
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sudanese_Government> Sudanese Government also
need to ensure freedom of speech and assembly and the end of arbitrary
arrests, otherwise the <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/glossary/?gl=29>
Opposition parties may cry foul.

The Sudanese Government need to avoid setting the scene for a disputed
election result in April, which in turn could lead to the abandonment of the
2005 peace process settlement. Such an outcome would be catastrophic for
Sudan and the region as a whole. Similarly, if the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Congress> National Congress party
forms the national Government, it should ensure that it honours the
agreement on the content, process and timing of the national referendum, in
just 12 months' time. The next few weeks and months will take real political
leadership in Sudan, and history will judge its leaders in that light. Sudan
might prove to be one of the toughest foreign policy challenges for an
incoming <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Kingdom_Government> United
Kingdom Government of whatever political colour in May.

That leads me on to Somalia. I hope that the British Government will
continue to do all they can to ensure that the transitional Government in
Mogadishu not only survive but develop into a fully functioning Government-a
Government who are able to take head-on the foreign-backed al-Shabaab and
other al-Qaeda affiliates. That is a jihadist militia that assassinates,
beheads and blows up fellow Muslims. Who kills young doctors, whose training
is only to help the ill, suffering and dispossessed people of Somalia?
Al-Qaeda cannot be allowed to establish a caliphate of
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greater_Somalia> Greater Somalia. Not only is
that against the will of the
<http://www.theyworkforyou.com/glossary/?gl=37> majority of the Somali
people, but further regional conflict with neighbouring Ethiopia and Kenya
would, I believe, become a distinct possibility, perhaps within three to
five years.

The stakes are very high. Those jihadists will not be content with Mogadishu
and Somalia. They want to spread their heresy and misery to
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Addis_Ababa> Addis Ababa, Nairobi and other
capitals in the region. That is the primary reason why I applied for the
debate-an attempt at a stark wake-up call that unless more action is taken
to assist Governments such as that of Somalia, whom I fully accept have
their own imperfections and complexities, the alternatives will not only be
bad for the people of Somalia, but strike a severe blow at this nation's
national security. It is time for more action to be taken to track, contain
and isolate these threats, albeit multiple threats.

The war on terror-that is what it is-cannot be viewed through the prism of
bean counters in the Treasury. It must be viewed with intensity, realism and
recognition of the magnitude of the threat and the catastrophic consequences
of failure. The Treasury cannot allow the United Kingdom to fail. It cannot
undermine this nation's national security.

Our European partners should also wake up and do far more. I also hope that
Japan might see its shipping interests as a good reason why it could fund
groundwork projects, employment generation and capacity-building schemes in
Somalia. The Japanese have been particularly helpful in providing funding in
Afghanistan and other parts of the world.

At this juncture, I should like to praise the efforts of the African Union
in Somalia and, in particular, the Governments of Burundi and Uganda for the
5,000 peacekeepers whom they retain in the country.
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_AU> The AU's presence is vital, and I hope
that Nigeria and other key AU members will contribute further to ensuring
that Somalia's transitional Government survive and that the Governments of
Uganda and Burundi remain committed to the mission in Somalia.

 <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_British_Government> The British
Government also need to be far more interventionist, robust and proactive in
neutralising the fundraising capabilities of a minority of Somali nationals
in London who are sending funds back to Somalia to sponsor terror.
Similarly, the right to travel of any British citizen should be withdrawn if
there is reasonable suspicion that they are likely to enter Somalia or other
countries to train for acts of terrorism. I also think-I shall speak slowly
here-that for any direct-line family member of anyone found guilty of
certain terrorist offences who is proven to have had the probability of
reasonable access to knowledge that their family member was to prepare
and/or train for terrorist activity, any outstanding visa applications,
asylum claims or application for UK citizenship should be refused. If
parents can be prosecuted for their children playing truant in the United
Kingdom, far more legislative imagination could be used to bring pressure to
bear on would-be murderers of UK citizens through family members who are
found to be either complicit in or culpable of their activities.

I want to discuss Ethiopia, and I declare an interest in that I recently
visited Ethiopia as a guest of its Government; that should appear in the
next week or so in the Register of Members' Financial Interests. I think we
can all agree that Ethiopia is the big beast of the horn of Africa, with its
long history and long borders. What happens in Addis Ababa matters, not just
because it is the home of the African Union, or because of its large
population, but because for the best part of the past decade it has been one
of the most stable countries in the horn. Obviously there is a continuing
issue concerning Eritrea, and there are internal issues too, but certainly
in recent years there has been comparative stability, albeit a fledgling and
occasionally stumbling stability. That is one of the best examples of
representative Government in the horn at the moment.

I'm not sure your reference to the Israeli conflict is any more balanced
than the people you accuse of taking advantage of it. You almost seem to
argue that Britain should try to maintain the illegal occupation and
subjugation of the Palestinian people to minimise the risk of terrorism.

It is very true that every political organisation, including the
Conservative Party, take advantage of quoting other causes to support their
claims/aims.

This is why we (human society) is developing a democratic system with an
independent judiciary. I believe this is the minimal standard which, even
political rhetoric, should adhere to. So, please, next time you want to use
the Israeli conflict to support your argument, look closely at the legality
and ethics of what has gone on over the last century. You will need a touch
of honesty not to dismiss the relevant facts!

Submitted by Fuad Al-Tawil

 <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/mp/?m=1655> Photo of Jeremy Corbyn

 <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/mp/?m=1655> Jeremy Corbyn (Islington North,
Labour)

Was the issue of the border dispute with Eritrea raised during the hon.
Gentleman's discussions with the Government in
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Addis_Ababa> Addis Ababa, and does he have any
hopes that the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Permanent_Court_of_Arbitration> Permanent
Court of Arbitration ruling will be accepted by both sides?

 <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/mp/?m=1946> Mark Pritchard (Wrekin, The,
Conservative)

The hon. Gentleman always makes a sensible and thoughtful contribution when
he intervenes in debates. I shall come on to that matter in a moment, but it
would help if the court were to make the effort to visit the border, and if
it did not make judgments based on a map in a room in a European capital.
The question was raised, and I discussed it with the Foreign
<http://www.theyworkforyou.com/glossary/?gl=35> Minister and leading
representatives of the Government, but I shall come on to that.

For the reasons I have given, the process of, as much as a peaceful outcome
to, the forthcoming elections is very important. I hope, as does the whole
international community, that a repeat of the arrests and killings of 2005
will be avoided at all costs. Not only would an irregular
<http://www.theyworkforyou.com/glossary/?gl=178> general election in
Ethiopia be a bad outcome for its people; it might also create the danger of
destabilising an already fragile region. I want to make it clear that I
fully recognise the efforts of the Government of
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prime_Minister> Prime Minister Meles. Since
1991 infant mortality has fallen by half. Life expectancy is also up, as is
school attendance. However, democracy and human rights need to expand and
mature, as does the independent voice of non-governmental organisations. I
have my concerns about the civil society Act and some of the resulting
restrictions on advocacy groups and non-governmental organisations in
Ethiopa. Progress has been made, but more is needed, and it is needed far
more quickly. It is vital to the whole of the horn of Africa that the United
Kingdom and its partners should do all they can to ensure that Ethiopia
remains stable.

That is why Eritrea is a vital part of the equation. Perhaps the chaos and
tragedy that is modern day Eritrea would not be as bad as it is if it were
not for the continuing interference of two of Britain's so-called friends,
and possibly allies-Libya and Qatar. Yes, close co-operation with both
Governments is important, but that should not mean the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Kingdom_Government> United Kingdom
Government turning a blind eye to the funding of the Eritrean regime or the
destabilisation of other parts of the horn region, as Eritrea does its work
often by proxy. The <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eritrean_Government>
Eritrean Government's aggressive and intransigent posture against Ethiopia
is particularly unhelpful to the region. The
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Government_of_Eritrea> Government of Eritrea
need to stop using the border dispute with Ethiopia as a means to keep their
citizens in a perpetual state of anxiety. That is why I welcome the United
Nations arms embargo. I hope that it will be monitored particularly closely.
It must be effective; it must work. I have a message for the leadership of
the Eritrean Government: the Eritrean people want peace, not war. They want
food, not more guns and bombs. They want an end to the siege of their
blighted lives, which have been bruised and crushed by a confused,
unimaginative leadership. They want an end to the provocation of neighbours,
including Djibouti. Despite denials, Iran's dark hand casts a long
<http://www.theyworkforyou.com/glossary/?gl=137> shadow over both Asmera and
Aseb.

Regional security in the horn of Africa remains fragile, but it need not
deteriorate further. Whether that happens will depend in large part on the
responsible or irresponsible actions of Qatar, Libya,
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saudi_Arabia> Saudi Arabia and, most notably,
Iran. It will also very much depend on the strategic view that the United
States, the European Union and the Government of the United Kingdom take on
the question of whether the horn matters. I believe that it does matter. It
should not be the victim of strategic drift at the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_Office> Foreign Office or of the
failure to allocate the necessary resources from within existing budgets to
identify and tackle those elements in the region that are undermining the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/UK> UK's national interests and security.

Finally, if the British Government believe that freedom is a universal
right, as I believe the <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/glossary/?gl=35>
Minister does, because he is a decent man, who has taken on his Foreign
Office role very capably, the UK, when invited-that is key-has an
international obligation and a human duty to defend those rights and
freedoms.

 <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/mp/?m=1655> Jeremy Corbyn (Islington North,
Labour)

I thank <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/mp/?m=1946> Mark Pritchard for
securing the debate, because this is an important issue. Unfortunately, it
has not been the subject of many debates in the House, although I suspect
that we will return to it in the foreseeable future because the situation in
the region is not good by any stretch of the imagination.

It is well known that I represent an inner-London
<http://www.theyworkforyou.com/glossary/?gl=169> constituency, and a
significant population from Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Sudan live in the
community. The instability throughout the horn of Africa and the poverty
that many people face there is therefore very real for many of those in my
community. The asylum seekers and others whom I meet, who have been resident
in my borough and other parts of London for a long time, have often been
traumatised by their experiences and the abuses that they have suffered in
Somalia and other places. None the less, people in the settled Somali
community have a real wish and desire to make the best of their lives here,
and they make an enormous contribution to our living standards and way of
life. We have to recognise that that diversity is a strength, not a
weakness.

I followed the hon. Gentleman's remarks closely. Although there are many
analyses of what is happening throughout the horn of Africa, one should not
ignore the region's colonial heritage. Ethiopia managed to avoid being
colonised at any stage by the European powers so it has a special place in
the lexicon of African history and culture. However, the surrounding
countries were divided up quite callously at the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congress_of_Berlin> Congress of Berlin in
1884, when straight lines were drawn on maps. There was another divvying up
after the first world war and again after the second world war. That
colonial heritage is not the sole cause of all the problems in the area, but
it is a contributory factor to the instability and the problems.

One should not forget that the cold war was fought by proxy. In the wars
surrounding Ethiopia and the battle over the Ogaden, massive amounts of
armaments flooded into the area from the
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union> Soviet Union and the United
States. That led to a great deal of instability. That instability still
continues, albeit in a slightly different guise. The whole area is a victim
of its history.

There remain a couple of subjects that I wish to raise, but essentially I am
interested to hear the Minister's reply, and to find out what degree of
engagement this country proposes for the future in order to bring about or
encourage some form of peace and stability in the region.

The people that I talk to are victims of everything. They are victims of
colonialism; they are victims of the cold war; they are victims of
instability; and they are victims of poverty. Everyone on the planet
deserves rather better than that. The longer the instability goes
on-principally in Somalia, but not exclusively-the more it will spread into
neighbouring countries. I think particularly of the Somali people who feel
forced to migrate to Yemen in order to escape what is happening in Somalia,
although the situation in Yemen is not good at present.

 <http://www.theyworkforyou.com/mp/?m=1946> Mark Pritchard (Wrekin, The,
Conservative)

Does the hon. Gentleman accept that although the problems would not
necessarily disappear, the current fanning of the flames might turn to
shallow embers if the dark hand of Iran was not over the horn of Africa?
Notwithstanding the Iranian nuclear issue, the malevolent, oppressive and
destabilising influence of Iran is seen not only in
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Latin_America> Latin America, central America,
the Balkans, Lebanon, Afghanistan and Iraq, but in the horn of Africa, where
it has been very active over the last 24 hours. If Iran were to be removed
from that region, there would be at least some hope for the contine

 



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