From: Tsegai Emmanuel (emmanuelt40@gmail.com)
Date: Tue Jun 09 2009 - 09:01:18 EDT
*Documentary exposes Ethiopia’s political vulnerability - amid risks of
following Burma and Zimbabwe into tyranny * By David Calleja | May 30, 2009
------------------------------
[image: Jailed opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa] *Birtukan Mideksa (AP)
* [image: Film producer Chris Flaherty] *"There is no doubt that there
are very close similarities between Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi and Ethiopia's
Birtukan Mideksa": Film producer Chris Flaherty. *In May 2005, the ruling
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) won elections amid
allegations of electoral fraud and a campaign of intimidation against
opposition groups. Six months and two protests later, nearly 200 civilians
were killed and tens of thousands had been arrested, including high profile
opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa. the former judge and popular politician
was initially jailed for life, pardoned and then commanded to serve out the
rest of her sentence.
Next year, Ethiopians will go to the polls again but the political
manoeuvring is already underway. Last week, the *Sudan Tribune* reported on
the Meles Zenawi government claims of an alleged coup plot masterminded by
former opposition leader Behanu Nega, now an academic in the United States
of America. And on Wednesday May 27 2009, the opposition Unity for Democracy
and Justice (UDJ) had their permit application for a protest against the
Zenawi government in Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square rejected by the city’s
administration. A spokesman for the UDJ, Hailu Araya, was quoted as saying
the government continued to play political games, thus weakening the UDJ’s
effectiveness in the country.
Ethiopia is an important ally for the United States. Its strategic location
in the Horn of Africa makes the country key to Barack Obama's attempts to
win the War On Terror.
Amidst the backdrop of the 2010 election, the documentary *Migration of
Beauty* is due for release on the international film festival circuit.
Directed by Chris Flaherty, the film recalls the experiences of Ethiopian
genocide survivors of the 1970s and the community activism led by the
Ethiopian diaspora in Washington D.C. in the run-up to the 2005 election.
Flaherty spent two years researching and befriending the witnesses involved
in the historic event covered in the film. *Migration of Beauty* has
screened at the AFI Institute in Maryland and Goeth-Institute in Washington
D.C.
The Ethiopian government has sent a chilling message to all opposition
groups by declaring that it will achieve peace at all costs, a clear
reference to the protests that tainted the last election four years ago and
reviving haunting memories of the Dergue's massacre of students and other
civilians in the 1970s. Although the country is not officially a one-party
state, the signs pointing to political intimidation mean Ethiopia's past
risk leading the nation following Burma and Zimbabwe into tyranny.
Chris Flaherty speaks to Foreign Policy Journal’s David Calleja about what
could be in store for sub-Saharan Africa’s second most populous country.
D.C.-* Four years after the violence that occurred in the aftermath of
Ethiopia's general elections, what news do you have of the mood in the
country, and how do you think this will affect the lead-up to the 2010 poll?
*
C.F.- Obviously I have been keeping track of recent events as they relate to
the upcoming Parliamentary election in Ethiopia. I would have to say that at
this point it looks pretty grim. I think the party in power has been doing a
good job at intimidating any possibility of viable opposition against
themselves in 2010. With the re-arrest of one of Ethiopia's strongest
opposition leaders, Birtukan Mideksa and the recent announcement by the
Ethiopian government that they have launched an investigation against people
suspected of overthrowing the government, the prospects look grimmer by the
day.. From what I have observed many Ethiopians appear to be slipping into a
feeling of helplessness. Many are saying, "Here we go again, this government
will stop at nothing to retain power." The biggest fear for me is that
Ethiopians will simply give up and accept what happens no matter how
illegitimate the outcome.
D.C. - *What factors compelled you to make your documentary Migration of
Beauty? Why did you feel that it was necessary to tell people what happened
in the 1970s under The Dergue as a prelude to the 2005 elections? *
C.F.- Perhaps the biggest factor that helped me mold the idea for Migration
of Beauty was the inspiration I experienced from documenting seemingly
powerless immigrants from a third world country engaging the U.S. political
process. During the filming I was able to better understand the conditions
that drove many of them to zealously fight for ideas that most ordinary
Americans take for granted. My approach was to tell their deeply personal
human stories about struggling for freedom and dying for it. Some of the
people in the film lived through one of the most horrific chapters of
Ethiopian history, the "Dergue" period or the "Red Terror".
By bringing their stories to light I was trying to make clear that it
doesn't matter who takes away your freedom as much as it is a criminal for
anyone to do such a thing. Otherwise, if your freedom has been taken away
the end result is always the same no matter who takes it away, weather it's
Adolf Hitler, Mao Tse-Tung, Mengistu Haile Mariam or Meles Zenawi. And while
the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi has not committed acts
as open and obvious as his predecessor Mengistu Haile Mariam, he is still
repressing democratic ideas and has committed numerous human rights abuses.
It was important for the Ethiopian/Americans in Migration of Beauty to
connect both stories. They have seen it all before.
D.C. - *There were some moments in the documentary in which you were
prevented from filming. Who was behind the threats and what level of
intimidation did they offer to the crew or yourself? *
[image: Film producer Chris Flaherty] *Protesters were shot in the head
or chest, and as a result, at least 193 were killed following the 2005
election crisis (Photo: AP) *C.F. - I did B-roll filming in Ethiopia
directly after the 2005 election massacres. There was a certain tension in
the streets. Foreign journalist and filmmakers are highly suspect in the
eyes of the Ethiopian government. The Ethiopian government has a long
history of repressing the media so I expected I might run into problems.
There were two instances where I and my Director of Photography were stopped
by the police. The first time I managed to talk my way out of potential
arrest by speaking in Amharic and smoothing my way out of the situation. The
second time it was the Ethiopian Army that tried to stop us. I quickly
discovered that they did not speak Amharic, therefore my language skills
yielded no results. I could not understand what they were saying but it was
obvious they wanted the video camera. My DP and I simply took off running.
For whatever reason they stopped following us and we lost them. We quickly
realized that we had to keep our equipment "under the radar" and out of
sight. I have heard of worse stories involving intense harassment and arrest
of video camera operators. There is one such instance documented in my film.
D.C. - *Last year, the opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa was jailed for
life. According to Voice of America report, Prime Minster Meles Zenawi
government's official line was that "she had not asked for the pardon"
handed to her. What do you think is the real reason for the order to serve
out her life sentence? What does Meles Zenawi have to fear from her? *
C.F. - The situation of jailed dissident Birtukan Mideksa is a very
interesting one. The former District Judge represented the biggest threat to
the party currently in power, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary
Democratic Front (EPRDF). And while she was jailed for what would appear to
be rather "convenient" technical reasons it's obvious to me that she was put
away because there was a good possibility she would beat the EPRDF in a fair
election. Considering what happened in 2005 the ruling party appears not to
be taking any chance of losing a national election. This is an old story and
a proven formula: intimidate, jail and kill all of your viable opponents in
order to keep power. No matter how proper and clean everything appears on
the surface it's all the same.
D.C. - *The same report from Voice Of America indicated a tough stance from
the government, vowing that they will not allow the protests of 2005 to
occur again in 2010. Zenawi allegedly said that, "We will do everything in
our power to have peace." He has also vowed to not only stop any
anti-government protests in the wake of the results, but also prevent any
possible build-up of opposition support. What tactics do you think he
intends to deploy? *
C.F. - We can only speculate what the Zenawi led government has planned for
the next election. I will acknowledge that the Prime Minister is extremely
crafty with words and has leveraged this skill to benefit his position in
the world view. However, to say, "We will do everything in our power to have
peace" is an extremely ominous indication considering his well documented
past endeavours to keep the peace. Besides possible use of military force,
it's a safe bet to expect him to shut down the press completely and quell
all avenues of dissent. My fear is that it could be much worse than it was
in 2005. I'm not sold on the idea that everyone will go back into their
houses if the government murders a bunch of unarmed civilians. It appears
that the populace is deeply frustrated and they might go much further with
the civil disobedience than they did in 2005. Either way, I sincerely hope
no one gets hurt.
D.C. - *You have quoted Dr. Jendayi Frazer as to making remarks about the
dangers of a free press being a danger at the Batten School of Leadership
and Public Policy at the University of Virginia, and that in African
countries, could lead to "ethnic cleansing", such as what happened in Rwanda
in 1994. What message do you think Dr. Frazer's remarks send, and what
justification did he use? *
C.F. - I was taken aback with Dr. Frazer's comment. To specifically call out
the so called "irresponsible press" without mentioning the dangers of media
repression is a horrible proposition. Considering Dr. Frazer’s past
influence on foreign policy in Africa it was a chilling comment. If the
government in hand deems their press to be irresponsible are we to base our
foreign policy on their beliefs? Exactly who gets to decide the parameters
of irresponsibility? And while Dr. Frazer did not specifically mention the
role of the press in the Rwandan Genocide, most people know it is the 5000
pound elephant in the room. And therein lies the question - how do we
balance the two?
My belief is that it is the right of the press to be free.... We must base
our foreign policy on the ideas we believe in ourselves, regardless of how
uncomfortable it makes us feel. And when a particular government is proven
to repress the media, we should call them out and do nothing to lend
credence to their credibility. It was the Ethiopian Ambassador to the U.S.
himself, Samuel Assefa, who told me that the Ethiopian government must
control the press, otherwise Ethiopians might commit ethnic genocide on
themselves. All this is coming from a government that has instituted a
policy of "Ethnic Federalism" which intentionally creates a divide between
the many ethnic tribes within the country. This government has done little
or nothing to foster a sense of national identity. It's an old formula,
control the press and divide everyone to decrease the threat of losing
power. Comments like the one Dr. Frazer made simply send the wrong signal to
the world.
D.C. - *What has U.S. President Barack Obama said regarding the Ethiopian
leadership and what foreign policy initiative has he proposed? How can he be
more effective in dealing with Meles Zenawi than his predecessor, George W.
Bush? *
C.F. - To date, I haven't heard much from the Obama Administration in
regards to issues of democratic process in Africa. It's obvious they are
being very careful. In this respect I believe they are doing the right
thing. However, many Africans as well as those in the diaspora appear to be
holding their breath to see exactly where he will stand. I can safely say
that many have high hopes. It's a very difficult line for Obama to walk.
News coming out of Somalia gets grimmer by the day and the Zenawi led
government is the only one that appears to support our interests in the
region.
In fact, the Ethiopian government makes this very clear to our elected
officials. In my view, it is perhaps the biggest bargaining chip Zenawi can
leverage. He knows that many U.S. Congressmen and Senators deplore his style
of government but they are willing to deal as long as he represents our so
called interests. He's proven himself to be very skillful in keeping just
within the parameters of acceptability in the U.S. As far as Obama is
concerned he must make clear where his priorities lie. It was the Bush
Administration that justified dealing with any despotic regime in the name
of fighting the war on terror.
This policy has proven to be disastrous for the U.S. It makes no sense to
support governments that use military force to control their people in the
name of fighting terrorism. In fact, the whole idea is absolute insanity to
me. This is a special time in U..S. history. We stand at a precipice. We are
forced to decide who we are as a nation in the eyes of the world. So often
we have preached the virtues of democracy and freedom to virtually everyone.
And now more than ever we are understandably challenged on those core
beliefs. It is my hope that the Obama Administration will understand and
adapt our foreign policy with this in mind.
D.C. - *Do you believe that Birtukan Mideksa is Africa's answer to the
jailed leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma, Aung San
Suu Kyi? Are there any similarities between the Burmese military regime and
the Ethiopian leadership? *
C.F. - No doubt, jailed dissident leader Birtukan Mideksa is an aspiring
figure. I notice many similarities between her and Aung San Suu Kyi. Besides
both of them being women they possess the types of charismatic
characteristics that would help them go far in national appeal. Both are
smart and unwavering in their ambitions to see true democracy and freedom in
their countries. In the case of Ethiopia I think many Ethiopians have become
disillusioned with the opposition in the past. From what I have been able to
access there appears to be tremendous anger with the Coalition for Unity and
Democracy Party (CUDP) opposition, the party Birtukan used to lead with
Hailu Shawel.
Like anyone anywhere, Ethiopians need to believe in the strength of their
leadership. Many felt let down and betrayed when the CUDP failed to stand
their ground after their arrest in 2005. Many felt that they made deals
selling out the cause of democracy and freedom simply to get out of jail.
However, Birtukan was able to help form her own party, the Unity for
Democracy and Justice (UDJ) Party and appeared to have a change of heart
concerning the conditions of her release from prison. At this point she
appears willing to stand her ground against Meles Zenawi and her popularity
has dramatically risen as a result. Like Aung San Suu Kyi, her status could
become legendary as long as she remains unwavering in her peaceful struggle
for true democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia. It will
obviously be a long hard struggle but if she has the stomach for it she
could be instrumental in leading her country to a better future.
While there are many similarities between the regimes in Ethiopia there are
also many differences. The regime in Burma appears to be "straight out"
dictatorial rule. They make no secret of their endeavours to ruthlessly
quash dissent. They have shown time and again that they will send out their
military to shoot unarmed civilians in the streets and make no apologies for
doing it. However, it's a bit more complicated in Ethiopia, as the
government claims to have something called an "emerging" democracy and says
it's not perfect as it is evolving. In the mean time the end results are
always the same.
When push comes to shove, the Zenawi-led government has shown to the world
they will commit the same exact human rights crimes the regime in Burma has
done. And while Ethiopia has labored very hard to create the perception of
legitimacy they will use their military on their own people if they feel
threatened to be removed by democratic process. In my opinion the only
measure of democracy is weather you have it or whether you don't. If you
have no ability to change the government by virtue of free and fair
elections, then it doesn't exist. This is the case in Ethiopia.
D.C. -* How organized and active is Washington DC's Ethiopian community?
What messages have they delivered and who has been at the forefront of such
efforts? *
C.F. - From what I see, organization within the Ethiopian diaspora over
opposition and election issues is sporadic at best. Certainly I have seen
nothing on the level I witnessed a couple years ago in the fight for the
Human Rights and Accountability Bill, HR 2003. True, the Ethiopian
government has spent millions to stall the bill in the Senate but zealous
petitioning from the Ethiopian diaspora has gone flat. I get the sense that
many are just frustrated and tired of the fight.
I believe one of the biggest problems is their inability to nationalize the
cause. They have a tendency to internalize the issues and keep it to
themselves. It's sad because their causes are ones most Americans can
identify with. In my opinion it might work best for them if they phrase
their cause as a universal human rights struggle rather than as an internal
one. I think it would be most effective if they appealed directly to the
American voters themselves the way the Cuban/Americans have done.
In the past, the diaspora worked so hard to gain the assistance of people
like Congressmen Chris Smith and Donald Payne and now the diaspora is almost
never heard from. Nonetheless, I still have high hopes that they will
eventually use their rights as U.S. citizens to bring deafening light to
their cause, especially as the next Ethiopian election approaches in 2010.
D.C. - *What role has Ethiopia's past played in shaping a future
catastrophe? Do you believe that the persona of former dictator Mengistu
Haile Mariam is still prominent in shaping the fear instilled by the
Ethiopian leadership today? *
C.F. - This is a very good question. No doubt, many Ethiopians possess what
I call “generational fear” which is the type of fear passed down and learned
from family and others. For the latest generation of Ethiopians this is not
a fear based on personal experience. During the period of the Red Terror
thousands were brutally murdered in the streets and as a result an
overpowering sense of fear has virtually become part of the culture. Who
could blame them? If you knew how young men and women were systematically
murdered, their bodies pinned with notes warning everyone to heed the Red
Terror, you might better understand. It’s no wonder that the older
generation warns their children to, “stay away from politics, it will get
you killed”. The damage of cultural fear has stifled healthy interest in
governmental participation.
Without a doubt, the Zenawi government has effectively capitalized on the
culture of fear instilled by Mengistu Haile Mariam. I am aware that some
Ethiopians might be offended by what I am saying but I am speaking from my
heart. Recently I read that an opposition party was desperately struggling
to get a permit to hold a peaceful rally in a public area known as Meskel
Square. Of course the government denied the permit. I was dismayed because
no one had the courage to stage the rally without the permit. The rally was
planned to be peaceful with no malice intended against the government. While
I absolutely do not condone violence, I do believe in peaceful protest.
Martin Luther King routinely staged public demonstrations without permits.
He knew people would get hurt but he also knew they would never be able to
advance their movement if everyone stayed home because there was no permit.
D.C. - *In 1999, the BBC reported that the US Embassy in Harare admitted to
assisting Mengistu in finding a safehaven where he was eventually offered
sanctuary by Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe. Should Obama publicly
acknowledge that this tactic was a mistake and has this contributed to the
political unrest experienced by Ethiopia since?*
C.F. - While it might not bring total closure for Ethiopians the gesture
would certainly go miles to break down the years of mistrust they have been
feeling as a result of our misguided foreign policy. Besides the issue of
the U.S’s involvement in Mengistu’s escape to Zimbabwe they should also be
more transparent about their motives with the current regime. From my point
of view, the U.S.. has very little to lose by appealing to the Ethiopian
people apart from the government.
As I said, many politicians in the U.S. are very uncomfortable with the
Ethiopian government. Since the 2005 election massacres their credibility
has never been the same. The U.S. absolutely needs to acknowledge the
bravery of the thousands who struggle for true democracy and freedom in
Ethiopia.
*Authors’ note*: Following a trial that lasted 12 years, an Ethiopian court
sentenced Mengistu to life imprisonment in absentia in March 2007 for his
role in the genocide that took place during the 1970s. Amnesty International
and Human Rights Watch estimate that between half a million and 1.5 million
people were killed during Mengistu's reign, beginning in 1974 and ending in
1991.
Before receiving asylum in Zimbabwe, Mengistu is said to have pocketed an
undisclosed figure following Israel's purchase to evacuate 5,000 Falasha
Jews at a cost of $USD 300 million to Israel. In addition, he pocketed all
proceeds following the sale of the Livestock Development Company for $USD 10
million shortly before fleeing Ethiopia for Zimbabwe, where he is now a
permanent resident. The Ethiopian people received no compensation.
The Zimbabwean Government has said that it would not force Mengistu to
return to Ethiopia. A spokesman for Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said
that the role Mengistu played in supplying arms and pilot training to the
Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in its war against white minority
rule in the country formerly known as Rhodesia, helped resistance fighters
achieve independence. The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) accuse him of
masterminding President Mugabe's Operation Murambastvina (Clean Out The
Trash), whereby government militiamen allegedly bulldozed the houses of
between 700,000 to 1 million civilians in Harare, mainly MDC supporters. He
is reportedly offered personal protection by Mugabe's Presidential Guard
battalion and owns multiple properties.
--- (Source: Bridgland, F. (2007), “Ethiopia; Why Mugabe Rejects An Appeal For Extradition of Mengistu”, The Addis Ababa Reporter, in Genocide Watch,The writer, David Calleja, can be reached for comments at davidcalleja1973@yahoo.com.au
Email Chris with your questions and comments about his documentary or the article at sandybeaglefilm@gmail.com
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