https://theconversation.com/ethiopias-state-of-emergency-both-sides-are-determined-to-fight-to-the-finish-67166
Ethiopia’s state of emergency: both sides are determined to fight to the finish
October 31, 2016 8.51pm SAST
Asafa Jalata
Author
Asafa Jalata
Professor of Sociology and Global and Africana Studies, University of Tennessee
Disclosure statement
Asafa Jalata does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive
funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this
article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond the
academic appointment above.
Waves of protests have gripped Ethiopia since last November. In
response the government has declared a six month state of emergency.
In an interview with The Conversation Africa’s Samantha Spooner, Asafa
Jalata describes the impact of the state of emergency and what it
could mean for the future of the country.
Who are the main players and what are the main grievances of the
Ethiopian protest movement?
The Oromo protest movement emerged in November 2015. It has been
fomenting for decades because the Oromo consider themselves colonial
subjects. They are the largest ethno-national group in Ethiopia and
have been denied equal access to their country’s political, economic
and cultural resources.
For almost 25 years Tigrayan state elites have dominated different
structures of the government, including the military. They have also
had total control over other institutions such as the media. And they
have confiscated fertile land and other valuable resources such as
gold and other minerals.
Over the last few months, the protests spread across the country.
Other ethno-national groups, which also feel politically and
economically excluded by the Tigrayan-led minority government, have
also joined the movement.
The Amhara, the second largest ethno-national group, started to
protest peacefully against the Tigrayan-led minority government in
August this year. They expressed their grievances and support for the
Oromo protests in the Amhara regional state. Other ethno-national
groups, known as the Konso, Sidama, and Gedeo joined more recently.
The protests gained further traction as the state’s reaction became
violent. For example, in early October millions of Oromo gathered at
Hora Arsadii, south east of Addis Ababa, for “Irreechaa” - the Oromo
national holiday of thanksgiving. The Tigrayan-led regime’s army
killed more than 700 Oromos and injured hundreds. This was sparked by
peaceful, anti-government chants by young Oromos.
After the massacre, Oromo protesters burned property and both locally
and internationally owned businesses that had been built on the land
seized from the Oromo by Tigrayan state and business elites.
The Ethiopian regime’s response was to declare the state of emergency.
Set to last six months, its aim is to curb the growing anti-government
protest movement.
What impact has this state of emergency had on the various communities
in the country?
The current state of emergency is the last attempt by the Tigrayan-led
regime to stop the Oromo and Amhara protests and to stay in power. The
government is therefore using this situation to gain total control
over information, use heavy force and deny the freedom of organisation
and association.
As a result, the regions of Oromia, Amhara, Ogaden, Konso, and Gedeo
have become conflict zones with the regime indiscriminately
imprisoning, looting and killing protesters.
According to the state of emergency rules, Oromos, Amharas and Konsos
have restricted access to media. They are not allowed to listen to
radio stations, such as the Oromo Voice Radio, or to watch media
channels, like the Oromia Media Network. Ethiopian soldiers are
enforcing these rules and have been seizing or breaking satellite
dishes.
The emergency rules also prevent citizens from associating with
political organisations that the regime has branded as “terrorist”.
One of these is the Oromo Liberation Front which was established in
1973 by Oromo nationalists to promote self-determination.
The situation for the Oromo people is dire. For several months the
region has been under a crackdown enforced by special police groups
and the army known as “Agazi”. According to rights organisations, more
than 2 000 Oromos have been killed in eleven months. Several thousand
more have been imprisoned, tortured, blinded and raped.
The rule of law no longer seems to apply to the Oromo and their
supporters. To hide its crimes from the international community, the
regime has blocked the internet and collected phones from thousands of
Oromos.
Until the regime is overthrown they will continue to suffer immensely.
They are being excluded from state support in relation to protection,
food, shelter, clothing, medicine and other necessary services.
As a group is the Oromo community concerned about their future?
Because the current regime fears the size of the Oromo population, it
tries to minimise their influence through hidden policies and war. The
regime has already prevented Oromo representatives from coming into
political power through systematic killings, imprisonment or exile.
For these reasons, the Oromo are very concerned about their future.
In addition, little looks set to change as a result of external
pressure because international powers such as the United States as
well as organisations such as USAID have a close relationship with the
regime. This gives rise to concerns within the Oromo community that
their grievances will not be heard and that they will not be given
support.
Nevertheless the Oromo people are determined to change their status
quo and better their future. That is why they continue with their
movement, despite massive incidents of death and imprisonment.
What are the prospects for the government and leaders of the protest
movement meeting to resolve the political issues between them?
Resolving the conflict requires the implementation of social justice
and democracy. But the Ethiopian regime has demonstrated that it will
dictate everything to the Oromo people and its leadership through the
barrel of the gun.
The Oromo are rejecting this heavy-handed approach. So, in this
conflict, there are two options – either the regime must go, and the
Oromo be victorious, or the Oromo people must be destroyed to serve
the interest of the regime.
Received on Tue Nov 01 2016 - 22:12:25 EDT