Date: Tue, 29 Jul 2014 12:49:56 +0200
<http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/9180-behind-the-attacks-in-western
-uganda-> Behind the attacks in western Uganda
By Patrick Kagenda
Monday, 28 July 2014 04:29
What Museveni should fear
Recent events in the districts of Kasese, Bundibugyo, and Ntororo show that
President Yoweri Museveni's strategy to politically and strategically
capture the volatile region could be failing, experts say. For some time,
Museveni has been attempting to have the Bakonjo and their leader, Omusinga
Charles Wesley Mumbere Iremangoma, in his corner politically.
Part of the reason is political. As Dr Arthur Syahuka Muhindo of Makerere
University's Department of Political Science and Public Administration - who
has researched and presented papers about the Rwenzururu - once told The
Independent, "the people of Kasese vote like rebels".
Museveni fears election surprises. Therefore, as he recalls that in the 1980
elections, only Kasese in Western Uganda voted for an MP from his Uganda
Patriotic Movement (UPM) even when their king had asked them to vote for
Milton Obote's UPC, his wish is to be assured of the Bakonjo vote. He got it
for the first time in 2011. But Kasese had voted overwhelmingly against him
in the 2001 and 2006 elections. What will happen in 2016?
But Museveni's other interest in controlling the area is purely strategic.
This is the oil-rich Albertine Region on which he has pinned the hopes of
the economic survival of his regime. But it is also a conflict-prone area.
Museveni knows about its history as a conflict area from 1964 to 1982 during
the Rwenzururu rebellion, then the 1981-1986 NRA war, as well as in 1996 to
2001 when it was under attack from the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and
National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU). These wars killed many
people with the most memorable being the ADF attack on Kichwamba Technical
College that left over 80 students burnt to ashes. The wars also ensured
that Kasese remains among the poorest areas in Uganda.
"No one can ignore Mumbere because he has a body of people who can raise
hell for any government. Museveni knows this and at the same time badly
needs these people on his side," one highly placed source told The
Independent.
Therefore, when unidentified attackers armed with spears, machetes, and guns
on July 5 simultaneously struck at 13 government installation in three
districts in the western districts of Bundibugyo, Kasese, and Ntoroko, it
was like a thunderbolt for Museveni. Up to 90 people; mainly civilians, five
police and five soldiers, were killed.
When President Museveni spoke, he blamed the attacks on failure of
intelligence.
But even for none strategic minds, questions remain on who is behind a force
that could clandestinely plan and execute coordinated attacks in three
districts in a highly secured region?
The area that was struck is the heartland of the oil-rich Albertine Rift
region that is believed to be heavily guarded by Uganda's elite troops, the
Special Forces Group commanded by Brig. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, which also
guards President Yoweri Museveni.
Does Mumbere, as is being alleged, have such a force? Or is Rwenzori, once
again, seeing the start of a new rebellion against President Museveni?
The attacks happened just five days after President Museveni had attended
the crowning of the Bamba cultural leader, Lt. Col. Martin Ayongi Kamya, on
June 30. This event appears to have raised ethnic temperatures in the
region. Lt. Col. Kamya is the son of Isaiah Kawamara, one of the three
founders of the Rwenzururu Movement and a rival to Mumbere. Could his
crowning by Museveni be the spark the Bakonjo had been waiting for to attack
the Bamba?
Informed sources told The Independent that as soon as President Museveni
restored kingdoms in 1993 through the Traditional Institutions Statute, he
was aware of what trouble the Bakonjo would raise for his government if he
left out Mumbere. He has made every effort to draw them closer.
He allowed Mumbere to return from the US where he had stayed for more than
20 years to be installed as Iremangoma in 2008.
A prominent Mukonjo, Dr.Chrispus Kiyonga, who is anti-monarchist, has been a
minister in all President Museveni's cabinets since 1986. He is currently
the minister of defence.
Other prominent Bakonjo include Maj. Gen. Wilson Mbasu Mbadi, the UPDF's
Joint Chief of Staff (JCOS). Gen. Mbadi, who spent many years as Museveni's
ADC until November 2012 when he was promoted to Brigadier and sent to head
4th Division in Gulu, is the highest-ranking UPDF officer hailing from
Kasese today. Another person to have reached that rank is the former army
commander Maj. Gen. James Kazini, a Musongora who also hailed from Kasese.
He died in 2009.
Gen. Mbadi before climbing to the top ladder also served briefly in the
Masaka-based Armoured Brigade, before rising to command the Alpine Brigade
in the Rwenzori Mountains.
The Kasese District Chairman, Lt. Col. Dura Muhindo Mawa, is another top
Mukonjo in the NRM who also commanded the Alpine Brigade at the height of
the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) insurgency in 1998-2000. The Bakonjo have
always commanded the Alpine Brigade because of their knowledge of the harsh
mountainous terrain and knowledge of their peoples' relations with their DR
Congo counterparts.
But, while negotiating the restoration of Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu, two
people who were very instrumental in the formation of the Rwenzururu
Movement were left out.
Isaiah Kawamara and Peter Mupalya who had founded the Rwenzururu movement
with Mumbere's father, Isaiah Mukirane, were apparently against restoration
of the kingdom.
As Bamba, it is said, they were not for establishment of a Rwenzururu
Kingdom even way back during the first negotiations during the first Obote
regime.
This split has played in various ways since then. The Bamba people who
include the Babwisi and Babulebule - the main tribes in Bwamba - and to a
lesser extent the Bambuti (pygmies), fell apart from the more dominant and
majority Bakonjo people who occupy both Kasese and Bundibugyo districts who
opted for a kingdom.
The recent eruption of violence could be traced to that split. Olara Otunnu,
the UPC party president, alluded to that. He told The Independent after the
recent skirmishes that although the Obote II government was not about
returning kingdoms, it worked for making peace with Mumbere and his people
for the betterment of Uganda.
"However Museveni returned kingdoms to further his policy of 'divide and
rule' and it is this policy that has led to the shedding of blood in Kasese
and Bundibugyo districts," he said.
But the eruption of violence could also be contrasted with similar incidents
in the past.
Unpredictable Bakonjo
Some commentators are tracing the recent events to as far back as August 30,
2009, when President Museveni travelled to Kasese. It was high tide as the
country headed into the February 18, 2011 presidential elections in which
Museveni, was once again facing a challenge from his arch rival; Col. Kizza
Besigye.
In the previous election in 2006, Besigye had defeated Museveni in Kasese by
scooping 56% of the vote against Museveni's 43%. This time Museveni needed
to be sure of every vote.
Officially, Museveni was in Kasese to officiate at the 25th Anniversary
celebration of South Rwenzori Diocese. But Museveni had another card to
play. When he stood up to speak at St. Paul's Cathedral in Kasese, he
released his campaign bait.
"I am happy to inform you that I agree to your demand for Obusinga," he
said. It was a master stroke. The congregation exploded in jubilation.
Museveni became an instant hero. Would the Bakonjo of Kasese show their
gratitude at the ballot?
As preparation for the coronation of Omusinga Charles Wesley Mumbere
Iremangoma as king of Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu neared, a group of Bamba
leaders on October 13, 2009 met President Museveni.
They told him they would not accept Mumbere as their king and wanted him to
be referred to as 'King of Bakonjo,' not the Rwenzururu and his jurisdiction
to be restricted to Kasese and not to extend to Bundibugyo District which,
they said, is for Bamba although there are some Bakonjo inhabitants.
Museveni agreed with the Bamba.
But on October 19, he attended the coronation of Mumbere as king of
Rwenzururu. It was clear the President was walking on a political dynamite.
How would the coronation of Mumbere against the wishes of the Bamba affect
his election outcome in Kasese? At the time, then Busongora South MP
Christopher Kibanzanga (FDC), who is a chief prince of Rwenzururu kingdom,
appears to have been reading accurately from a crystal ball.
He told The Independent: "The central government's recognition of Obusinga
means that both the opposition and NRM party have won as they have brought
what people of Rwenzururu have always demanded. The basis for voting is
going to shift to other issues that affect the people of Rwenzori such as
unemployment, creating markets for their produce and reviving the railway
line as well as resolving the land question in Kasese District".
Exactly one year and five months later, elections were held and the results
were startling. Museveni had defeated Besigye in Kasese but only barely. Of
the 187,000 available votes, Museveni won 94,000 and Besigye 79,000. It was
that close. The pattern was repeated in the parliamentary elections. In the
four constituencies in Kasese, Museveni's NRM won two and Besigye's FDC also
won two.
Compare that with Bundibugyo where, of the 55,000 votes, Museveni scooped
46,000 and Besigye only 5,600. In Ntoroko District, it was the same.
Museveni swept 13,000 of the 30,000 valid votes cast leaving Besigye with
only 2,000.
Clearly, the Bamba were better voting machines for Museveni. But why were
the Bakonzo still angry, even after being given their coveted king? What
could be done about it? As the next election in 2016 draws near, Museveni
and his handlers are struggling to find answers to that.
Skilful Mumbere
When Museveni allowed Mumbere's coronation in 2009, it was like during the
Milton Obote II regime which he fought, choosing to keep the warring Bakonjo
close to him in his ranks.
But Mumbere was possibly not so impressed. He had seen it before.
During the early days of the second UPC government (1980-1985), the
government of Uganda negotiated with the Rwenzururu fighters out of the war
and recognised it as a kingdom.
President Museveni's current Senior Advisor on Security, Chris Rwakasisi,
who was then minister of Security in the Obote II government, and the late
Brig. David Oyite Ojok, who was chief of staff of the UNLA, were involved in
the talks.
The peace-broker was Amon Bazira, a Mukonjo himself and former minister in
Obote's government. He later formed the National Army for the Liberation of
Uganda (NALU) to fight against Museveni. His army was a harbinger of the ADF
in the Rwenzori Mountains.
An agreement was signed between the government and the Rwenzururu Movement
and one of the conditions which the government had to meet was to integrate
the Rwenzururu fighters into the national army; the Uganda National
Liberation Army (UNLA).
After long negotiations, from 1981-1982, Charles Wesley Mumbere was
installed as the King of the Bakonjo people. Therefore, the 2009 ceremony
was, in the eyes of Mumbere, not a coronation.
Even before his installation in 1982 by Obote, the Rwenzururu kingdom had
been existent and was headquartered in the DR Congo where Mumbere had been
crowned king in 1966 after the death of his father Isaiah Mukirane.
Rwenzururu had thrived in the Congo because of the big Bakonjo population in
that country and secondly because of weak administrative structures in that
country at that time.
At the time of signing the agreement with the government of Obote II,
Mumbere was 30 years old. In 'appreciation' of his peace gesture, the
government of Uganda sent him to the US for further education to develop his
leadership potential not as a cultural leader but a future Ugandan leader.
In the US, Mumbere enrolled in business school, but one year after his
enrolment the Obote government was overthrown in 1985. All Mumbere's
emoluments from the government of Uganda were cut off.
Uncertain of what would come next, Mumbere in 1987 was granted political
asylum in the US, went silent, and maintained a very quiet life, working in
a nursing home until Museveni allowed him to return as king.
Mumbere defies Museveni
Three years after Mumbere's coronation, in August 2012, tension erupted
between the Bakonzo, Basongora and Bamba/Babwisi in Kasese and Bundibugyo
districts over the jurisdiction of his Rwenzururu kingdom.
On July 1, a man called Ivan Bwebale Rwigi IV had declared himself king of
Busongora in an area within Kasese District, which is the seat of Rwenzururu
Kingdom. On July 11, unknown people attacked his home and took off with some
regalia of his so-called Busongora Kingdom, including the flag and drum. The
police and army were deployed as many feared for the worst.
Tension had been simmering since May when Mumbere started organising the
50th Anniversary of the Rwenzururu secession from Toro kingdom in 1962.
There had been tension on June 30, when Mumbere travelled to Bundibugyo,
planted a tree, and opened a symbolic a royal shrine on his ancestral land
in Kirindi Village, Harugale Sub-county. The act was in direct defiance of
Museveni's 'advice.'
At the time, The Independent was told that President Museveni had called
Mumbere and advised against him hoisting the Rwenzururu kingdom flag in
Bundibugyo.
Five days later, on July 6, violence had broken out as the Bamba, who wanted
to destroy the so-called palace, faced-off with a pro-Mumbere group. Several
people sustained injuries, six motor cycles were burnt, property was looted
and destroyed, and one man died after being knocked by a car.
Mumbere's supporters say he is a king of all Rwenzururu, which means people
of the 'snow-capped mountain'. These include Bakonjo, Basongora, Bamba,
Babwisi, Batuku, and others who live on or along the edges of Mountain
Rwenzori.
The say Mumbere cannot be blocked from Bundibugyo because his grandfather,
Masanduku, lived there before migrating to Kasese. Mumbere regards
Bundibugyo as his ancestral home.
Last year, Mumbere again organised the controversial visit to Bundibyo
District in spite of police advising him against it. His entourage was
confronted and blocked by the police before being teargassed.
A similar confrontation happened last month as Mumbere, once again, sought
to assert his authority over Bundibugyo by visiting there.
Such scenes were not new to Mumbere. He and his followers are born-warriors
who have fought since he was a little boy. Charles Wesley Mumbere was born
in 1953, when his father was already a fighter.
But on July 10, soon after top officials were arrested in connection with
the attacks, he called a press conference and dared the government to arrest
him.
He denied that his kingdom was involved in the attacks. However, it was his
choice of dress that drew most attention. He wore a military cap on his
head. When asked about it he said it was deliberate.
"I am a soldier," he said, "that is my profession."
As a commander of his people, King Mumbere appears determined to follow in
the foot-steps of his father, and other elders like Nyamutswa and Isaya
Mukirania who started fighting for the Rwenzurruru Kingdom from the early
1922 - many years before Uganda was formed. At the time, the colonialists
had grouped them under the Toro Kingdom.
In the 1950s, as Uganda independence neared, the Bakonzo and Bamba grew
restless. They demanded recognition as a distinct ethnic group within Toro
kingdom. When this was rejected under the 1962 constitution, they formed the
Rwenzururu Freedom Movement and headed into the mountains as their base for
waging a war to establish their kingdom. Is history going to repeat itself?
That is the question that is yet to be answered, but all indications are
that like it did to his predecessors, this situation will continue to give
President Museveni's government a big dose of headache.
http://www.independent.co.ug/images/stories/issue300/Museveni-Mumbere-corona
tion.jpgPresident Yoweri Museveni (R) congratulates Mumbere on his
coronation
(image/jpeg attachment: image001.jpg)