Ethiopia: Reflections On Relations Between Ethiopia and Eritrea
By Al-Saddig Al-Mahdi,
3 December 2012
Opinion
Historically, Ethiopia and Eritrea have not been united in one country.
However, first Eritrea then Ethiopia have been occupied as Italian colonies,
which imposed upon them Italian culture.
Another link between the two regions is the fact that the Tigrian peoples,
who inhabit a region north of the Mereb in Southern Eritrea, and south of
the Mereb in Northern Ethiopia, belong to the same ethnicity and speak the
same language, Tigrinya, and have a common Axumaite heritage.
Another link between the two Regions is that the Christian population in
both Regions belongs to the Orthodox Coptic Church.
A third link between Ethiopia and Eritrea is the fact that the main
languages spoken in them, namely Amharinya and Tigrinya, are both Semitic
languages and are written in the same alphabet.
The fourth link is the existence of a substantial Muslim community in both
countries.
However, developments from mid-twentieth century have driven the two Regions
apart, and today, hostility between them is at its zenith.
In what follows, I reflect on the issues of War and Peace and future
relations between the two countries.
1. As an expression of appreciation for the support of the Emperor of
Ethiopia for the allies in the Second Atlantic War (1939-1945), the allies,
as led by the USA and the UK, decided to join Eritrea to Ethiopia in a
Federal unity without the due participation of the peoples of Eritrea in
1952. That measure constituted a grievance for the peoples of Eritrea. The
Eritreans who experienced sixty years of Italian administration were more
modernized. Under the Federation they suffered dissolution of their
political parties, of their trade unions, and lost the relative press
freedom. And to add insult to injury, the Federation itself was abolished by
Ethiopia in 1958. In 1961, an armed Eritrean resistance to Ethiopia came
into being.
2. Under the Emperor, Ethiopian administration was a backward Feudalism. It
exercised forced Amaharization, and addressed the Eritreans in provocative
language. The Emperor said in reference to Eritrea: we need its land, not
its peoples. After the coup d'etat against the Emperor, a power struggle
developed between the coup makers, in which Mengistu Haile Mariam emerged
victorious. He proceeded to establish a Stalinism, which I described as the
Fascism of the Left.
3. That Stalinist oppression further alienated the Peoples of Eritrea. Their
resistance developed in several stages but ultimately Eritrean resistance
was led by the EPLF. The Mengistu Regime exercised similar oppression
against the Peoples of Ethiopia particularly the Tigryan ethnicity, which
organized its resistance in the TPLF.
4. Several movements with different identities participated in the struggle
but the TPLF came on top.
5. The leaders of the two Fronts, whom I came to know personally, were
articulate Revolutionaries, who had much in common; the late Meles Zinawi
and President Isaias Afwerki belonged to the same ethnicity, Tigryan, they
spoke the same mother tongue, Tigrinya, they belonged to the same ideology,
Marxism. During their period of struggle, they both enjoyed refuge in Sudan
and came to have similar great appreciation for the peoples of Sudan. All
these similarities would have been expected to make the TPLF and the ELPF
close allies against the Mengistu Regime, and to establish a close
relationship after they defeated the Mengistu Regime and came to power in
Addis Ababa and Asmara.
6. Apart from the similarities between the TPLF and EPLF, there are several
common features between the Peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea, namely:
. The two main languages in the two regions: Amharinya and Tigrinya are both
Semitic and written in Geez Alphabet.
. Yes there are numerous language and ethnic groups in both countries more
so in Ethiopia than Eritrea, they both need stability for the management of
diversity.
. Beyond the language, there are close cultural affinities, in the cuisine,
in national dress, in music, in marriage and mourning traditions and so on.
. More importantly, the geopolitical imperatives cannot be overlooked.
In spite of all these factors drawing them together, in 1998, over a border
dispute around Badme, the two states confronted each other in a bloody war.
7. Since the sixties of the twentieth century, events have increased
interchange between peoples of the Horn of Africa in an unprecedented way,
particularly in terms of refugees, and sanctuary for opposition movements.
As members of the Sudanese NDA we were freely residing in and travelling
between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Similarly, Ethiopian and Eritrean refugees and
opposition movements had access to the Sudan before their liberation.
Therefore we were shocked by the 1998 war and I led an NDA mediation
delegation to stop it. We met with the political and military leaders of
both countries, they all received us most cordially, but we could see no
avenue of reconciliation between them. We even offered a mechanism of
mediation to no avail. My impression, which was substantiated by further
events was that Badme was not the real issue, which caused all bloodshed and
carnage. Successful revolutions, when they come to power, usually become
ultra-nationalistic to consolidate their legitimacy, this phenomenon may be
seen in the cases of East Timor and Kosovo.
This factor explains the behavior of the Eritrean leadership and the need to
stand up to Ethiopia.
For Ethiopian leadership, there was an added reason for ultra-nationalism.
The TPLF was a secessionist movement, which was pushed into an all Ethiopian
role by the vacuum created by the speedy collapse of the Dergue. It had to
prove its Ethiopian identity for example Napoleon who was identified with a
secessionist movement, before he qualified for FRENCH leadership, the same
goes for Mustafa Kamal of Turkey. Therefore, the two leaders and their
movements were painted in an ultra-nationalist corner. By now, 14 years
after the war, so many things have changed, namely:
. It is not possible to settle differences unilaterally, and war provides no
solution but loss in blood, wealth and lost opportunities.
. The Regional African Agenda has moved towards aspirations for African
Unity.
. The International Human Rights Agenda has developed towards the
guaranteeing of Human Rights as a basic duty of all sovereign states. In
fact, Human Rights have become the real basis of legitimacy in the eyes of
the International Community to the extent of intervention, if necessary, for
the purpose of Responsibility (R2P).
. The majority of African states have become democratic.
. The Arab spring, which I call the new dawn, has turned a new page in the
direction of the empowerment of the peoples.
. The need to eschew an attitude of hostile independence in the two states
of Ethiopia and Eritrea and recognize the compelling factors of
interdependence is more than ever obvious.
8. Attempts at violent change will only lead to greater internal
polarization, and greater external interference, to the detriment of
National interests.
What is needed in both countries is a broad based inclusive movement for
democratic transformation. Such a transformation is necessary to reconcile
Government with its citizens. Such reconciliation will be consistent with
the march of history, and would lead to state to state reconciliation, even
further; it would allow the forces of mutually beneficial integration
towards the two Sudans and other neighbors.
I don't know how receptive the Peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea will be to my
opinion, but I hope they consider them in the light of a sympathetic and
fraternal brotherhood.
The author is the leader of the Umma National Party and former Prime
Minister. He presented in a lecture at St. Antony's College -Oxford
University on 17 November 2012 .
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Received on Mon Dec 03 2012 - 17:12:01 EST
