Destructive Governance Model for Somalia: the case of Prof Ken Menkhaus
_____
September 12, 2012
Mareeg.com-Immediately after the imposition of the Provisional Constitution
(PC) establishing a medieval model of governance in Somalia, Prof Ken
Menkhaus, scholar and UN/US government advisor on Somalia, has published an
article under the title,
<
http://www.hiiraan.com/op4/2012/aug/25421/somalia_s_20_year_experiment_in_h
ybrid_governance.aspx> Somalia's 20-year Experiment in Hybrid Governance in
World Politics Review and in the Somali Websites. The article offers
theoretical justification for the adoption of what the author termed the
‘Mediated State’ Model of governance in which the central government
outsources its core functions to the private sector, nonprofit organizations
and local polities. This model of governance embedded in the PC assumes the
existence of legitimate and accountable local political authorities either
interested in or obliged to cooperate with the national leaders and
institutions. Thus, the leaders of the central government without
responsibilities and competencies must gain legitimacy, functions and
authority from those local authorities.
Prof Menkhaus who has been musing on Somalia’s dystopian future for the past
20 years dispels the perception that there will be a functional government
in Somalia after August 20, 2012. He considers the efforts devoted to
establishing a Central Government fruitless. And finally, he admits that the
‘Mediated State’ model is not amenable to donor aid programs.
As an example of the aptness of the ‘Mediated State’ Model for fragile
states (Somalia), Prof Menkhaus refers to the Wajir case study titled (
<
http://www.gap.ugent.be/africafocus/pdf/08-21-2-KMenkhaus.pdf> The rise of
a mediated state in northern Kenya: the Wajir story and its implications for
state building). But it seems tenuous if not a stretch to make the Wajir
story- the security and development experience of small community- a model
for rebuilding the collapsed State of Somalia. The motivations of the Wajir
community and the indifference of the Kenyan Government to the insecurity
in the Somali-inhabited areas could have different explanations including
the dictatorial system, corruption, and the deliberate politics of divide
and rule, etc. In the years 1992-2002, the Kenyan government had sufficient
coercive power and resources to quell any security disturbance in any part
of Kenya. In Somalia, local government laws contained provisions
guaranteeing the participation of traditional and civic leaders in the
security, development and political activities of the regions and
districts. But the dictatorship made public participation meaningless.
Anyway, that kinds of local experiences should not be elevated as a model to
state-building in Somalia. It is ironic to see donors rush to prevent at any
cost the falling apart of the Ethiopia state at any critical moment while
Somalis are exhorted to drift apart.
Prof Menkhaus is not alone in the efforts to prescribe a primordial model
of governance for Somalia. Specifically, the imposition of the PC and the
formation of symbolic Federal Government (FG) is the practical
implementation of the theoretical political framework articulated by a host
of American and European scholars and institutions. The list of scholars
includes Matt Bryden (New Hope for Somalia? The Building Block Approach),
John Yoo (
<
http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1051&context=johnyoo&s
ei-redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fsearch.yahoo.com%2Fsearch%3Fp%3Djohn%2Byoo%2
Bfixing%2Bfailed%2Bsstates%26ei%3DUTF-8%26fr%3Dmoz2-ytff-yff35#search=%22joh
n%20yoo%20fixing%20failed%20s> Fixing Failed States), Richard Dowden (
<
http://africanarguments.org/2011/10/20/don%E2%80%99t-force-statehood-on-som
alia-by-richard-dowden/> Don't force statehood on Somalia), Bronwyn E.
Bruton ( <
http://www.cfr.org/somalia/somalia/p21421> Somalia A New
Approach), Peter Haldèn (Somalia: Failed State or Nascent States-System?),
Prof Ken Menkhaus (
<
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/is3103_pp074-106_menkhaus.pdf>
Governance without Government in Somalia: Spoilers, State Building, and the
Politics of Coping). The institutions include Chatham House (
<
http://www.chathamhouse.org/publications/papers/view/181725> Somalia's
Transition: What Role for Sub-National Entities?) and the Berghof Research
Center for Constructive Conflict Management , which published the article
titled “On Hybrid Political Orders and Emerging States: State Formation in
the context of "Fragility" written by Volker Boege, Anne Brown, Kevin
Clements and Anna Nolan.
Also, in 1995, the European Union funded a study project co-chaired by Prof
Ioan M Lewis and James Mayall who issued a document titled, “A study of
decentralized political structure of Somalia: A Menu of Options,” In 1998,
the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry drafted a policy paper for the
conceptualization and implementation of a “clan based building blocks
strategy” for Somalia. Despite the widely documented criticisms (debunking),
if not outright rejection of clan federalism by the majority of Somalis,
foreign powers spearheading federalism went ahead with the imposition of a
federal system- a harbinger of national conflict.
Nation building opponents, theorists of “wicked problem” concept in
political science, revisionists of Westphalian nation-state sovereignty for
fragile (failed, weakened, collapsed) States, war on terror pundits and
profiteers, donor bureaucrats, and historically rival neighbors ( Ethiopia
and Kenya) have targeted Somalia to seriously debilitate rather than
rehabilitate. These groups would use Somalia as a laboratory experiment or
as a site for looting foreign aid. They have developed brilliant narratives
that have obfuscated the flaws and superficiality of the perfunctory
international efforts to help Somalia.
In his paper on
<
http://www.ndu.edu/press/lib/images/prism1-2/6_Prism_85-100_Menkhaus.pdf>
State Fragility as a Wicked Problem, Prof Ken Menkhaus argues that Somalia
classified as a “wicked problem” rather than “tame problem” defies what he
called the traditional state building policy prescriptions. Thus, behind
closed doors Somalia is viewed and dealt as dystopian society that requires
new doctrine and policy prescriptions developed by the external powers.
Organizing and funding conferences for Somalia and issuing statements in the
English language for international consumption became permanent practice
and evidence for achievements by the international community Few countries,
many independent foreign journalists and scholars, international
humanitarian organizations and others including investigative bodies of the
United Nations have worked hard to point out the misguided policies of the
international community towards Somalia, but their objective analysis and
recommendations were ignored.
As an illustration, the International Crisis Group (ICG) published a
critical policy briefing statement titled- “
<
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2012/africa/s
omalia-from-troubled-transition-to-a-tarnished-transition.aspx> Somalia:
from Troubled Transition to a Tarnished Transition?” that analyzed the
harmful consequences of the UN controlled process for ending the transition
period. In its quick response, “
<
http://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/unpos-response-inernational-crisis-grou
p-article-somali-transition> UNPOS response to ICG article on Somali
Transition,” the United Nations Political Office (UNPOS) did not deny the
criticisms and argued that Somali politics are complicated and fractious and
that the process has been difficult and has and will continue deeply flawed
in many ways. This reveals the decidedly destructive judgment of the donor
bureaucrats on Somalia.
In August 2008, Hiiraan Online- a top and influential Somali Website-
published an editorial, critical of bottom up rule titled
<
http://www.hiiraan.com/print2_op/2008/aug/from_statehood_to_primordial_city
_states.aspx> From Statehood to Primordial City States in response to an
article published by the New York Times:
<
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/18/world/africa/18somalia.html>
Anarchy-cursed Nation looks at bottom up rule. The emphasis on the bottom-up
approach is to obstruct state-building in Somalia. One of the recycled myths
is that the political processes in Somaliland and Puntland were bottom-up
approach while in reality the processes in both local entities were top-down
approaches in their context. Somaliland and Puntland have yet to implement
devolution of power to local governments.. Therefore, the debate over the
bottom-up versus top-down approaches is deceptive. Somalia needs both
approaches simultaneously. The focus should remain on the complementarities
of the governance structures at all levels, public consensus and awareness
of state building agenda, and resource availability.
The above mentioned scholars share the view that the Somali people are
unable to understand and practice the value system behind the Westphalian
nation-state concept, which constitutes the foundation of the international
norms of economic cooperation, foreign aid and diplomatic relations. As a
consequence, they hold that the Somali State should be be allowed to
disintegrate and be replaced with a medieval system of governance with
varying names: community based development system of governance, development
without regard to governance, nascent-states system or mediated state
governance all without sovereignty. Now, in the presumption that Somalis
lack political sophistication, it’s hard to fathom the Somali ability to
understand the suggested messy state formation process based on what has
been called ‘Mediated State’ of governance.
Prof Menkhaus and others did not explore sufficiently the profound effect of
external influence and interventions in Somalia. The ‘Mediated State’ is a
destructive governance model, which institutionalizes political
fragmentation and probably will hinder the emergence of effective national
government with capacity to address governance needs.
The Somali people should be very much concerned about the decisions and
actions of the new political leadership and a parliament populated by
individuals accused of corruption and with questionable loyalty. Already the
seeds of fresh conflicts have been planted among Somalis, and the new
parliamentary leadership has been booby trapped. The improper travel of
former parliament speaker, Mr. Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adan to Kenya and United
Arab Emirates for discussions with foreign leaders- allegedly about rigging
the outcome of the presidential election- has shattered public confidence in
and enthusiasm for the new parliament as well as the credibility of the
whole political process. In addition, the new parliament hijacked by the
international community, has been ordered to elect quickly new president who
without proper preparation should attend on September 26 in New York an
international conference on Somalia.
The hijacking of national institutions by the international community is the
beginning of FG failure. To prevent a dystopian future for Somalia , it is
urgently needed to create and activate a Somali Transparency and
Accountability Society (STAS) for the protection and defense of Somalia.
In the 21st century, Somalia needs a democratic functional national
authority accountable first and foremost to its people, not only willing but
demonstrably capable of representing national interests and empowered to
deliver the critical functions of government. The only way this kind of
government can be established in Somalia is to fulfill the five points plan
proposed by the Turkish Government during the Istanbul II Conference-
<
http://somalilandpress.com/turkey-pushes-for-united-somalia-during-conferen
ce-29635/> Turkey pushes for united Somalia and to adhere to the principles
laid out by Ashraf Ghani and Clare Lockhart in their book on “Fixing the
Failed States- a Framework for Rebuilding a Fractured World (2008).”
Mr. Mohamud M Uluso
mohamuduluso_at_gmail.com
------------[ Sent via the dehai-wn mailing list by dehai.org]--------------
Received on Wed Sep 12 2012 - 12:40:12 EDT
