Somalia: appointment of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud signals change and
challenges - By Abdi Aynte
September 11, 2012
On Monday, Somalia lived up to its track record for never re-electing an
incumbent leader. President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed lost to a political
newcomer, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, in a landslide victory that represented a
stinging condemnation of the status quo, and an unequivocal vote for change.
The 275-member parliament, which also voted out a widely reviled former
speaker and replaced him with a respected legal expert, appeared to be
listening to the aspirations of the Somali people for the first time when
they picked Mohamud over Ahmed. But the former President was gracious in
defeat, delivering a unifying exit speech at a time when the overwhelming
majority of the Somali people wanted him to strongly support his successor
and cement the optics of nascent democracy.
I've known President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud for sometime. He's a man of
integrity and humility and a social entrepreneur who founded one of
Somalia's most successful higher education institutions: Simad University in
Mogadishu. Mohamud is also accessible and intrepid - a civil society leader
who endured Somalia's 21-year-long period of war in the capital. Needless to
say, he'll now be evaluated more on his deeds than his personality.
Key tasks
On his first day at work, President Mohamud faces a labyrinth of problems.
From terrorism to piracy and rival militias, Somalia has no shortage of
tragedies. But during his first 100 days in office, the President needs to
focus on achieving - or at least beginning - four fundamental tasks:
Declare war on corruption: The looting of public funds by officials was the
most crippling culture which decayed the last government. A new UN
<
http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2011/433> report found
that the highest officials were swindling eight out of every ten dollars.
President Mahmoud must establish and empower - legally, politically and
financially - an anti-corruption commission. The commission needs to
identify and uproot the deeply entrenched corruption syndicate across
government sectors. In the short term, the President should also accept the
<
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-17144557> Joint Financial Management
Board envisaged by the international community. The JFMB is designed to
ensure transparency and accountability of public funds, but this tool cannot
be a long term solution.
Rebuild competent state institutions: After eight years, two Presidents,
five Prime Ministers and hundreds of millions of dollars donated by the
international community, the only institution that the now expired
Transitional Federal Government (TFG) can show its worth for is the National
Security Agency (NSA), the intelligence arm of the security services, which
is heavily
<
http://www.thenation.com/article/163210/blowback-somalia?page=full>
bankrolled by the US, France and other powers. Virtually all other
institutions are nothing more than a few lanky men with laptops, folders and
Gmail accounts preying upon the innocent public and unsuspecting donors.
President Mohamud needs to identify the most vital institutions that should
be rebuilt - chiefly the police, the military and coast guard. The quantity
of members of the current police and military is not the issue, it's the
required quality that is categorically nonexistent.
Reconciliation: There are 2 entities that must be engaged immediately.
First, President Mohamud must continue the positive
<
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-18635411> talks between the TFG and
the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. The engagement with Somaliland
needs to be based on mutual respect, recognition of the human rights
atrocities committed by Mohamed Siyad Barre's dictatorship against
Somaliland and exploration of a common path between the two brothers.
Second, President Mohamud should form a new, credible National
Reconciliation Commission whose main task is to
<
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/137085/afyare-abdi-elmi-and-abdi-ayn
te/negotiating-an-end-to-somalias-war-with-al-shabaab> reach out to the
nationalist elements within al-Shabaab. Some of these figures have had a
personal beef with the former president Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, whom they
consider to have betrayed them. There's a good chance that pragmatic figures
will now abandon al-Shabaab and rejoin the national dispensation, all the
while isolating the global jihadist wing.
Constitutional and governmental overhaul: the now defunct TFG had imposed a
new 'Draft Constitution' on the Somali people with almost
<
http://www.e-ir.info/author/afyare-abdi-elmi/> no public consultations. The
document institutionalizes sectarianism, sets the country on the road to
renewed, clan-based civil unrest and effectively puts the duly elected
President on a collision course with his appointed future Prime Minister.
The document grants oversized powers to an unelected Prime Minister over the
elected president - a perennial source of infighting in the government. The
'Constitution' also creates a convoluted and
<
http://www.hiiraan.com/op4/2012/july/25291/effect_of_draft_constitution_end
_of_somalia_not_end_of_transition.aspx> unworkable federal structure for one
of the most homogeneous and smallest countries (population wise) in Africa.
Despite resistance from some corners, President Mohamud must be bold in
re-drafting the constitution and reducing the job of the prime minister to a
subordinate figure responsible for coordinating cabinet business. But the
president must also recognize and appreciate the aspirations of the Somali
people who yearn for local control over their government and the delivery of
rudimentary services at the local and regional level. He must stand firm so
that he can achieve these aspirations without creating a practically
inapplicable federal structure. The UK system of governance provides an
excellent model, where <
http://sticerd.lse.ac.uk/dps/eopp/eopp27.pdf>
decentralized authority ensures fair political representation both at local
and national levels.
The role of external actors
For years, members of the international community have been micromanaging
the politics of Somalia from afar, often in pursuit of wrongheaded policies.
The exception to this is the African Union peacekeeping force (AMISOM),
which has shown a remarkable degree of neutrality.
In order for this government to succeed, external actors must take two
steps: First, they should immediately cease their appetite for meddling and
imposing their will on Somali governments. President Mohamud has an
unrivaled legitimacy from the Somali people. The Nairobi-based politicians
should give him space to chart his own path - and make mistakes along the
way.
Second, the international community ought to change the culture of
<
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2012/africa/s
omalia-from-troubled-transition-to-a-tarnished-transition.aspx> supporting
individuals over institutions. Much of the failure of Somalia's institutions
stems from foreign powers giving an outsized influence to unelected
politicians and armed groups. The most jarring example was handing over the
whole Roadmap Process that has brought us to this point, to six, widely
unpopular and unrepresentative politicians. A phalanx of foreign-backed
armed groups - Ahlu-Sunna Wal-Jama and Raskamboni, among others - continues
to challenge the authority of security forces.
Finally, President Mohamud needs to begin the difficult task of taming
extremely high expectations. The monumental challenges currently facing the
country are simply too prohibitive for one leader to tackle. He must,
however, demonstrate the will to usher in change.
Abdi Aynte is a Somali-American journalist and researcher
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Received on Tue Sep 11 2012 - 18:33:55 EDT
