Units loyal to former Yemeni leader Saleh flex their muscles as new
president finds it hard to exercise control.
SANA'A - When Yemen's President Ali Abdullah Saleh agreed to step down last
year, many Yemenis hoped their country was on the road to democracy. But
much of the country's military remains loyal to Saleh and new President Abd
Rabo Mansour Hadi is finding it hard to exercise his control over them.
The former president's son, Ahmed Ali Abdullah Saleh, remains in control of
the Republican Guard. Recently, some 200 members of the elite unit marched
to the Defense Ministry in the capital Sana'a to protest Hadi's decision to
form his own presidential protection force. Until now, the Republican Guard
has been responsible for protecting the president.
As the soldiers marched with their guns and rocket-propelled grenades [RPGs]
on display, some argued with Yemeni citizens. "They blocked vehicles on the
street, got me and all the passengers out of our van after they saw me
taking photos of them with the camera of my cell-phone," Ahmed Dawood, a
journalist at the local Yemen Times newspaper told The Media Line. "They
pointed their guns at me and asked me to give them my cell-phone," he added,
"but, after I explained that there was no memory card in the phone they left
me."
Since last February, when Hadi replaced Saleh after his 33-year-long reign,
the new president has been governing from his house, guarded by the 1st
Armored Division, which sided against Saleh in the popular uprising. Hadi
has not felt secure enough to move into the Presidential Palace. But now,
Hadi is trying to solidify his control over the Yemeni military's many
disparate units.
He recently took control of seven brigades that had been commanded by
Saleh's son, Ahmed, as well as another five which had been under the command
of General Ali Mohsen, Saleh's rival. The Gulf Countries Council (GCC)
transition plan which removed Saleh from office requires that Yemen's armed
forces become more professional. But the Saleh regime still exerts military
power through the Republican Guard, which constitutes one-third of Yemen's
300,000 military personnel, according to Mohamed Abd Al-Sallam, director of
Abaad Strategic Studies Center, a think-tank based in Sana'a. "If no serious
actions to remove Saleh's relatives from their offices are taken, they will
continue to hinder the peaceful transfer of power," Abd Al-Sallam told The
Media Line.
Al-Sallam said Saleh also continues to hold powerful positions in civil
institutions. "Their resignations must be done gradually, as getting rid of
them is not that easy," he said.
Saleh still heads the General People's Congress (GPC,) a party that he
established in 1982. The party ruled Yemen until the popular uprising in
2011 that ultimately brought about Saleh's resignation. Despite the fact
that he no longer holds office, Saleh's supporters still call him
"president" or "leader." "Saleh's remaining at the helm of the GPC is not
only a threat to the power transition, but also endangers the party itself,
" Al-Allam explained.
However, some in the party argue that Yemen is well on the road to
democracy. "Ali Abdullah Saleh has left office and the positions of his
relatives are governed by military and civil laws," Tariq Al-Shami, the head
of the Media Department of the GPC told The Media Line. Al-Shami explained
that the decision to remove Saleh as party chief must be taken by the
members of the GPC.
Saleh's eldest son, Ahmed, remains firmly in control of the Republican
Guard, the elite wing of Yemen's army, which has some 36 brigades
nationwide, each equipped with the most modern weapons. General Mohamed Ali
Mohsen, the former commander of the Eastern Military Command, said this year
that since 1994, no new weapons have entered the hands of any Yemeni armed
forces except the Republican Guard. Yahya Mohamed Abdullah Saleh, the former
president's nephew, is the chief of staff of the Central Security Forces. He
is one of hundreds of senior officials at several military, security and
civil institutions who are still loyal to Saleh.
Late last year, Saleh's son launched his own private satellite television
channel, Yemen Today, which defends his father's regime day and night. The
channel also has a private radio station, Yemen FM, which transmits
throughout Yemeni territory, providing glorified accounts of Saleh even to
inhabitants of rural areas that lack basic amenities.
Some opponents charge Saleh's military units with widespread corruption. A
source at the Defense Ministry told The Media Line that officers of the 3rd
Republican Guard Brigade who are loyal to Saleh are alleged to have recently
stolen weapons and military trucks in collusion with departments of the
Defense Ministry.
Last month, Saleh-loyalists who are members of the police force, stormed the
Interior Ministry in the capital Sana'a, leaving eight people dead in a
clash with security guards, and stealing documents, equipment and weapons.
In 1994, Saleh began a successful civil war against his then-deputy Ali
Salem Al-Baid, who fled to Oman. However, since Saleh's forced retirement,
Al-Baid has returned to Yemen and the two men are said to be cooperating to
scupper the two-year transitional period which is to be followed by
parliamentary and presidential elections.
"They [Al-Baid and Saleh] are in an alliance and each one has his own aims,"
the think-tank's Al-Salaam said. "Al-Baid is looking to return to politics
and Saleh aims for internal conflict that will enable his son to rule
Yemen," he explained. Saleh left the office in exchange for immunity from
prosecution - an offer not made to his counterpart, Egypt's ousted president
Hosni Mubarak, who is currently serving a life-sentence in prison. The deal
also does not obligate Saleh to stay out of politics. Saleh remains strong
and active within the political landscape through his relatives and aides.
Many fear that if Saleh continues to act as a shadow president, Yemen's
two-year transitional period may extend indefinitely amid political
insecurity and economic deterioration.
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Received on Mon Aug 13 2012 - 15:02:22 EDT
