Somalia: Somaliland scores big against Federal Government at Istanbul talks
[Analysis]
Jul 11, 2013 - 11:25:24 PM
GAROWE, Somalia July 11, 2013 (Garowe Online) - The Communiqué on the
political talks between Somali Federal Government (SFG) and Somaliland’s
separatist administration indicates a big political score for Somaliland, as
the SFG surrendered too much in the early stages of political negotiations,
in hopes of achieving bigger goals.
SFG Interior Minister Abdikarim Hussein Guled and Somaliland Commerce
Minister Mohamed Abdullahi Omar signed the document, entitled “Communique of
the Somaliland and Somalia Dialogue Held in Istanbul on 7-9 July 2013”. The
talks were hosted by the Turkish government for the second time since April.
While referencing prior agreements – Chevening, Dubai and Ankara – the
document highlights that SFG and Somaliland delegations engaged in three
days of deliberations at the Istanbul talks and concluded with a three-point
agreement.
While Clause 2 “Committed to the continuation of talks” and Clause 3, “The
next meeting will be held in Turkey within 120 days” emphasize political
rhetoric, it is Clause 1 that issues practical declarations that catch
everyone’s eye:
“Agreed to the return of the air traffic management from the UN and decided
to establish a joint control body that is based in Hargeisa to lead the air
traffic control of both sides. It is also agreed that this body will propose
a mechanism for equitable revenue-sharing,” the agreement read.
Political score for Somaliland
Leaders of the SFG (and former Transitional Federal Government – TFG) have
met with Somaliland President Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo since the talks began in
June 2012 in the U.K., the former ruler of colonial Somaliland.
This marked the first time Somaliland’s leaders met with officials from
Mogadishu, underpinning a new policy and shifting political tone taking its
root in Hargeisa.
In Dubai, on June 28, 2012, President Silanyo met with then-TFG President
Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, and signed a softly worded communiqué to be followed by
the April 13, 2013, agreement signed in Ankara that slightly built on the
progress of the Dubai agreement.
But the Istanbul communiqué jumped exponentially on the political scale,
with the SFG inexplicably awarding Somaliland control over airspace of the
Federal Republic of Somalia, while the SFG received nothing in return.
The “two-state proposition”
Over the years, political pundits have floated an idea of the aptly titled
“two-state proposition” and there remains the persistent speculation that
the U.K. supports a “two-state” solution for Somalia’s political anarchy,
pointing to the fact that the talks originated at the London Conference
2012.
Under this proposition, Mogadishu and Hargeisa would negotiate a political
settlement on equal footing, in accordance with colonial-era boundaries of
British Protectorate of Somaliland and Italian colony of Somaliland.
Somalia adopted a federal constitution in 2012 and the country is
transforming into a federal republic, with state governments in the
periphery and a national federal government in the center.
Under this arrangement, the country’s existing administrations and a myriad
of political institutions are expected to merge into a coherent national
political entity – built from the foundation-up, with political and economic
balance that generates national consensus, and power is effectively
exercised as close to the people as possible.
But detractors of federalism say that federalism, as a political
arrangement, is unfit for Somalia due to the Somali people’s homogeneous
nature of sharing religion, language, culture, and a national heritage, but
this argument fails to explain how the homogenous society torn apart by
hatreds and wars, re-trusts a centralized system after the state collapse of
1991.
Moreover, others argue that the federal system “balkanizes” Somalia and
creates “clan states” in a country of 10 million citizens. This latter
notion dismisses the demographic nature and historical reality of Somali
clan settlements ( deegaan, in Somali), with majority-minority proportions
in any region of the former 18 regions of Somalia.
However, many anti-federalism commentators remain open to the concept of a
Somali Federal Republic, with only two state governments of: Mogadishu, and
Hargeisa. Such a system is diametrically opposed to the Somali federal
constitution and the existing states, namely Puntland and Jubaland.
Risking new disorder
The SFG enjoys international recognition and has received international
funding to rebuild the semblance of a federal government. The endowment of
international recognition comes with its share of opportunities and burdens,
and the SFG has manipulated its opportunities to re-design the political
context in Somalia, thereby creating for itself new burdens and formidable
challenges ahead.
Equipped with the international community’s call for dialogue, in line with
the London Communiqué of February 23, 2012, the SFG and its predecessor TFG
have pursued a dialogue process with Somaliland, aiming to achieve a
political settlement that is satisfactory to both parties, to include an
advantage over Puntland.
But political reality in Somalia indicates that the SFG is trekking on
political fault lines, with potential catastrophic consequences for national
political order in Somalia.
The talks between SFG and Somaliland marginalize Puntland, the third giant
in the room, and Puntland feels it has constitutional duty to partake in
consultations for matters relating to federalism and national security.
Moreover, Puntland’s administration is irked by the lack of response from
SFG leaders in Mogadishu, regarding the tampering of the Somali Provisional
Federal Constitution (PFC), signed in Nairobi on June 22, 2012, by the
UN-endorsed Signatories of the Roadmap to End the Transition in Somalia.
Puntland says the Somali Federal Parliament is using a tampered copy of the
PFC and threatens to cut cooperation with Mogadishu. Puntland is now leader
of a shifting power configuration in Somalia and Mogadishu looses in failing
to effectively engage with Puntland on critical national matters that
require cooperation.
The SFG is risking a new national political disorder in silently promoting
the two-state proposition, whilst ignoring the federal constitution and
manipulating the rights of Puntland, Jubaland and the emerging states.
Furthermore, the SFG has lost a major political point for surrendering a
national asset to Somaliland – effectively awarding separatism, while
gaining nothing in return.
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Received on Thu Jul 11 2013 - 19:51:31 EDT