Africa: Re-Establishing Rapprochement in U.S.-Africa Relations?
By Dimpho Motsamai,
29 June 2013
United States diplomatic relations with Africa could take a significant turn
this week as President Barack Obama travels to Senegal, South Africa, and
Tanzania.
The Obama visit comes on the heels of growing criticism of the US over a
perceived discourteous posture and benign neglect towards Africa since
President Obama took office in 2009. Signs of American realpolitik
expansionism associated with its foreign policy activities, and in
particular with respect to the debacle over Africom, have not endeared the
US to some of the key states in the African continent. Instead, they have
cast a negative light over US perceived security encroachment over the
continent.
Other inferences of negativity in US-Africa relations include President
Obama's 2009 initial political "African" sojourn in Ghana, which African
policy observers labeled as a "talk down on Africa"; the minimal and vague
reference to Africa in Obama's 2010 National Security Strategy; the US role
during the 2012 Libyan debacle that saw the removal from power of President
Muammar Gaddafi; and the fact that the administration's "U.S. Strategy
Toward Sub-Saharan Africa" - released in June 2012 to foster a mutually
beneficial US-Africa partnership - appears to be exclusively driven in
Washington where it was launched.
Delays in appointing critical posts responsible for Africa in the
administration - something that was only rectified in 2012 - were also seen
as underlying a lack of prioritization of Africa by Obama.
Furthermore, there is a discernible absence of strong reference to "African
ownership" in the wording of the 2012 Africa strategy. However, this
strategy is of paramount importance to the Obama administration as it was
intended to "encourage an interagency approach for engagement with
sub-Saharan Africa" based on four pillars to be operationalized on the
continent: the strengthening of democratic institutions; economic growth,
trade, and investment; advancing peace and security; and promoting
opportunity and development. The issue of "ownership" is especially
important in historical context since the US and Africa have had a
donor-client relationship which, as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public
Diplomacy in the Bureau of African Affairs Bruce Wharton admitted, had not
worked well in the past.
It is commendable that the Obama Administration has shown some commitment to
"putting Africa back at the center of US foreign policy" with the launch of
its Africa strategy. In practice however, and despite this policy, there is
lack of distinctness in the approach. Seemingly, rather than setting out
substantively new outlines, Obama's Africa focus, it is largely an
expression of continuity with the previous administration's tenure. Foremost
to this continuity is the fact that US-Africa relations have remained
largely pivoted on unilateral measures such as US foreign aid to Africa as
well as policy initiatives like the African Growth and Opportunity Act
(AGOA), which has been extended to 2015; maintenance of a number of
development assistance programs including the Global Health Initiative; Feed
the Future; the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compacts and other
programs which provide grants; and significantly, the US Agency for
International Development (USAID) whose total development assistance to
sub-Saharan Africa stood at $7.08 billion in 2012.
Yet, a more meaningful dialogue based on a shared platform and where African
countries have considerable input to joint development partnership is very
limited - and this needs to be developed. Many of the bilateral arrangements
that exist between Africa and other external actors, notably the European
Union (EU), China and Japan, have become more conscious of the importance of
partnerships based on shared objectives and where Africa ownership occupies
a centre-stage. There is, of course, a measure of shared dialogue between
the US and Africa in very limited areas. These are: US-driven Trade and
Investment Framework Agreements with the Common Market for Eastern and
Southern Africa, the East African Community, the West African Economic and
Monetary Union and the Southern African Customs Union; and US contributions
to the African Development Bank as its largest non-regional shareholder,
which according to US policy documents, is projected to advance US
priorities in sub-Saharan Africa.
Whether the current bilateral arrangement with African countries allows the
US to fully grasp criticism of its realpolitik expansionism in its relations
with Africa is debatable. It is important that the US administration be
aware of these areas of non-cooperation where it is expected to demonstrate
positive action and take its relations with Africa to the next collaborative
level. For the Obama Administration, this may be the proverbial "mistaking
the trees for the forest" where exclusive bilateral engagement inhibits the
administrations' ability to perceive and appreciate the strategic bigger
picture in the African continent in the long-term.
There are three ways in which these limitations could be overcome. The first
is to contemplate a "club" approach to its Africa diplomacy where a platform
is created to ensure that every two years senior American and African
officials meet to evaluate priorities and strengthen areas of shared
objectives. This is important for confidence building. Using the 2012
Strategy as a building block, such a joint institutional platform can play a
critical role in facilitating "African ownership" of the strategy. One
reality the US cannot escape is that the manner in which it engages with
Africa will be compared to how China and other external actors are evolving
their relations with the continent.
The second recommendation is to evolve institutionalized relations with
continental institutions such as the African Union and the various Regional
Economic Communities. This is to keep the US firmly focused at a high-level
on servicing its relations with the continent on a more sustained basis, and
underpinned by an institutionalized process.
Finally, in order to effectively leverage current relations the US should
evolve a differentiated approach in its Africa strategy. It should continue
to engage more strongly with pivotal states or "sub regional linchpins" in
its parlance, such as South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya, Angola, Kenya, Ghana and
Tanzania.
The US administration will have to constantly weigh its approach in the
African continent in comparison with the strategies of other external actors
that enjoy a relatively blossoming relationship with Africa. The benign
neglect of the African continent by the US could see its influence undercut
by emerging powers in the long term. Building a stronger reputational
capital in its diplomacy with Africa and its institutions can potentially
yield a truly mutual and collaborative partnership.
Dimpho Motsamai is a researcher at the Institute for Security Studies.
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Received on Sat Jun 29 2013 - 07:25:06 EDT