| Jan-Mar 09 | Apr-Jun 09 | Jul-Sept 09 | Oct-Dec 09 | Jan-May 10 | Jun-Dec 10 | Jan-May 11 | Jun-Dec 11 |

[Dehai-WN] (Mareeg.com): Somalia:London Conference stripped Somalia of its indivisibility sovereignty and polity

From: Berhane Habtemariam <Berhane.Habtemariam_at_gmx.de_at_dehai.org>
Date: Tue, 28 Feb 2012 20:28:18 +0100

Somalia:London Conference stripped Somalia of its indivisibility sovereignty
and polity


By Mr. Mohamud M Uluso Post analysis of the London Conference on Somalia

February 29, 2012 (Mareeg.com) London Conference stripped Somalia of its
indivisibility, sovereignty and polity The communiqué of February 23
Conference on Somalia, dominated by the International Contact Group (ICG)
and the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia fell far short of
all expectations. The promised new approach or step-change by the British
leaders to tackle the root causes of insecurity and lack of functional
government responsible for the inexorable decline of 20 years in Somalia did
not materialize. Concretely, nothing in the communiqué responds to the
solution of the well described dreadful situation in Somalia, a country
suffering for wars and natural disasters. The reason is a matter of
conjecture. The communiqué listed operational tasks before a national polity
capable of pursuing the interests of the Somali people is in place. This
means that South Central Somalia became subject to the alien paradigm of
Prof Stephen D. Krasner, who in his paper titled “troubled societies, outlaw
states and gradations of sovereignty” argued that alternative institutional
arrangements, such as trusteeship and shared sovereignty must be legitimized
if international threats are to be reduced and the prospects for individuals
in troubled societies improved. This view seems operationalized through the
New Deal of Engagement with Fragile States adopted by the Conference. In
blatant contradiction to the statement that “decisions on Somalia’s future
rest with the Somali people,” which is true, the London conference decided
for Somalia and stripped Somalia of its indivisibility, sovereignty and
polity. The participation of the conference by several delegations from
Somalia for the absence of a national leader who represents the voice of
Somalia before the international community did undercut Somalia’s common
cause. The invitation of the ousted Speaker Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adan under
Ethiopian pressure was also a snub to large segment of the Somali population
and show of Ethiopia’s veto power over Somalia. The Communiqué, released
before the conference took place, failed to take into consideration most of
the suggestions made by members of the Somali communities, of the opinions
of many international leaders like Mary Robinson who emphasized the
humanitarian consideration over military actions and President Ismail Omar
Ghelle who strongly advocated for the top priority of funding Somali forces
over AMISOM forces, of the Guardian editorial strongly suggesting the
consideration for disengagement and of other international experts. With
political mastery, to deflect any criticism from the humanitarian activists,
UK addressed AMISOM funding outside the conference. On Feb 22, it has pushed
through the UN Security Council a resolution that increased AMISOM forces
from 12,000 to 17, 731 with the annual budget of $ 550 million.
Reimbursement for lost or destroyed equipment during the fighting is extra
budget. Kenya complains about the rejection of $ 10 million requested for
its navy while it received from UK $ 15 million with no string attached. The
humanitarian assistance offered during the conference could be intended to
mitigate the expected human disaster due to the escalation of military
operations in Somalia. The communiqué ignored to reaffirm the territorial
integrity, sovereignty and unity of Somalia. Also, it remained silent about
the illegal fishing and dumping of toxic off the Somali coast, the
indiscriminate shelling and killing of civilians by UN supported forces and
the frequent Ethiopian military incursions into Somalia. Out of the 26
paragraphs of the communiqué, only 7 paragraphs contain new information. The
important tasks spelled out in these paragraphs are the followings:
Endorsement of the unpopular UNPOS political process based on making new
constitution in the midst of civil war, regional secessions, social distrust
and foreign interventions. The constituencies of the new constitution are
not defined. The Switzerland government is the major backer of the new
federal constitution. This is unprecedented political misjudgment. End of
the Transitional Federal Institutions in August 20, 2012. The communiqué
leaves out what will follow but the list of activities detailed in it
foretells a standby arrangement. Introduction of parallel Somali political
processes at the national and local levels. It is not clear the relationship
between these two parallel processes. Establishment of a New Stability Fund.
Local areas will be supported based on the new deal for engagement with
fragile states recently adopted in Busan and on the stabilization strategies
prepared by both IGAD and TFG. Confirmation that Somaliland is not part of
Somalia or of TFG. On February 23, 2012, Somalia ended to exist
internationally. Over the next three years, Somaliland will receive directly
from UK about £105 million for promoting prosperity, tackling poverty and
consolidating progress on stability and democracy. Adherence to shady
agreements like Djibouti Agreement, Kampala Accord, Roadmap and Garowe
principles I and II. These agreements violate the Transitional Federal
Charter and obstruct genuine political process. Establishment of a Joint
Financial Management Board (JFMB) in conflict with the Transitional Federal
Charter and any national Constitution. JFMB reinforces the lack of
transparency and accountability because Board members are foreigners.
International and domestic resources are regulated by different rules and
principles. French Republic, United Kingdom, European Union and the World
Bank are the initial members of JFMB. The President, the Prime Minister and
the Minister of finance of the TFG will initially represent the TFG on the
JFMB. This arrangement violates the Somali constitution and domestic laws.
JFMB will usurp the establishment of the offices of the Ministry of Finance,
Accountant General, Central Bank and Auditor General. JFMB operates only in
South Central Somalia. A functional government can fight corruption.
Commitment to support the Regional Maritime Capacity Building Initiatives.
Somalis are not aware any of these initiatives developed and funded for
European maritime security. Establishment of a Regional Anti Piracy
prosecutions and intelligence coordination centre in the Seychelles for
Somali Citizens. From this plan transpires the time-span assumed for the
continuation of the Somali crisis. Implementation of the Financial Action
Tasks Force’s recommendations on Combating Money Laundering and the
Financing of Terrorism. Without having responsible functional Somali
Government in place, this decision could endanger the lives of millions of
Somalis for suspicion or precautious justifications. Collaboration with the
Global Counter Terrorism Forum and other international and regional bodies.
Implementation of Mogadishu Recovery and Stabilization plan. This is very
much needed plan but it could be used against national needs and goals.
Implementation of Djibouti Code of Conduct and Exclusive Economic Zone
(EEZ). Somalia as the most failed state in the world lacks the authority and
capacity to implement this responsibility. Establishment of a “Core Group of
Engaged Countries” that would drive progress in support of UN, AU and IGAD
efforts. Some of the unanticipated issues in the communiqué are the
pre-concluded anti-piracy agreement between UK, Seychelles and Somaliland,
the revival of EEZ issue overwhelmingly rejected by the federal parliament,
the quick approval of the increase of the AMISOM forces with their financial
support before conference, the concession for the secession of Somaliland
and the formation of the core group of engaged countries responsible on
Somalia in the foreseeable future. The Somali people are oblivious to the
substance and meaning of the plans and programs decided on their behalf by
the International Community and written in English. The wide gap of
information, needs and interests between the international community and the
Somali people will erode public confidence and support critically needed as
precondition for Somalia’s prospect for peace and stability. Somalia’s
socio-political problems, culture and experience are significantly different
from many failed states. Yet, it shares with them the fundamental need for
governance. My expectation from the London Conference was a focus on
strategic measures to rebuild Somalia’s failed state at national and local
levels throughout Somalia on the basis of new approach which encompasses the
following four points: Change of the current failed strategy of IGAD/UNPOS
with its attendant constructs like Kampala Accord, Djibouti Agreement, the
Roadmap, Garowe Principles, and Addis Ababa Agreement between Ahlu Sunna Wal
Jama and TFG. Call for the appointment by the Security Council of powerful,
credible international leader with transparent political agenda for State
building in Somalia. Call for Somali National Accord which deals with
reconciliation, peace and State formation in Somalia as the mandate of the
Transitional Federal Institutions must end on August 20, 2012. Pledge for
the disbursement of at least 10 billion dollars in the next 4 years
specifically for State Building. Humanitarian assistance will decrease as
peace and hope expands. Divided Somalia into fiefdoms enters another era
beyond its control. Nevertheless, there is always hope for better future.
Mr. Mohamud M Uluso mohamuduluso_at_gmail.com




      ------------[ Sent via the dehai-wn mailing list by dehai.org]--------------
Received on Tue Feb 28 2012 - 14:28:24 EST
Dehai Admin
© Copyright DEHAI-Eritrea OnLine, 1993-2012
All rights reserved